The Palestine Chronicle

1. ‘Jenin is Gaza’: Refugees Describe Israel’s Brutal Assault on Their West Bank Camp

By Fayha Shalash – Ramallah

A journey of exodus into the unknown, but this time in Jenin, not Gaza. It seems that the Israeli army is using its same policies everywhere.

Ahmed al-Hawashin and his family of nine were forced to leave their home in the Al-Hawashin neighborhood in the Jenin camp, after threats from the Israeli army.

While the Israeli military operation in Jenin and its refugee camp continues, more atrocities are being revealed. In addition to expelling residents from their homes, Israeli soldiers continue to fire randomly at anyone who moves.

According to Ministry of Health data that is updated around the clock due to the succession of events, 12 dead and more than 40 wounded by Israeli army bullets have been recorded since the beginning of the invasion on January 21.

'We Felt Like We Were in Gaza'

The Israeli army used the method of forcing Palestinians to leave their Jenin camp, similar to its actions in the Gaza Strip.

It didn't order them to leave their homes but threatened them with violence if they stayed. They told the refugees that they would "destroy the camp over their heads", if they defied military orders. Additionally, it cut off all essential supplies to force them to leave.

'I Was in a Grave': Freed Palestinian Female Prisoners Share Their Stories with Palestine Chronicle

Although there were no armed men in the houses, Israeli soldiers threw hand grenades at civilians, including women and children, prompting them to flee, eyewitnesses told the Palestine Chronicle.

After packing their bags with basic items, Ahmed's family left their home and walked along a corridor designated by the Israeli army.

In addition to the soldiers' threats of a harsh strike on the refugee camp, the near-total destruction of the camp's most basic infrastructure was another reason behind the displacement of many families.

"We left the neighborhood toward the Al-Awda roundabout, and there the army divided us into groups of five. Then they searched us and examined us using automated cameras positioned several meters away, while a drone flew above us the entire time," Ahmed told the Palestine Chronicle. 

Anyone the Israeli army deemed wanted or suspicious was arrested, stripped, and set aside, bound and blindfolded.

"We walked on foot—among us women, children, and the elderly—for more than a kilometer. It was a harsh scene, and we felt like we were in Gaza. Then we dispersed to the homes of relatives and friends outside the camp," Ahmed added.

'Iron Butterfly' Explosive Bullets – Israel's Deadly Weapons Targeting Palestinians

Israel has threatened to continue its military operation for months, aiming to eliminate what it calls hotbeds of terrorism. This heightens the fear of those displaced from their homes, who do not want to leave them for an extended time.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) stated that conditions in the Jenin camp are catastrophic, with more than 2,000 families displaced and basic needs almost entirely absent.

'Our Homes are Barracks' 

Anyone who looks out the window risks being shot. Anyone who moves in a vehicle risks being killed. This is how life has become in the city.

Hospitals were the first to be besieged in Jenin. The Israeli army placed dirt barriers at the entrances to Jenin Governmental Hospital, preventing access.

During the initial hours of the city's storming, three doctors were injured in the courtyard of Al-Amal Hospital by bullets fired by the Israeli army, which deliberately shot randomly to intimidate residents.

Ambulances cannot move freely in the streets, resulting in the death of many Palestinians who were left to bleed. Access to the injured is also obstructed by the Israeli army, which stops paramedics, checks the identities of the wounded, and arrests whomever it chooses.

Nadine Abu Shamla, a resident of Jenin, described the situation as very difficult, noting that Israel continues to push more military vehicles into the city, including a large number of bulldozers.

'Cowboy Method' – Netanyahu and Smotrich's Annexation Strategy

Raids on many homes continue in the mountain area of the Jenin camp, parts of the new camp, and other areas on the outskirts, with the number of detainees still unknown.

"The soldiers blew up the walls of houses and opened them from the inside to move freely. They also occupied many homes, turning them into military barracks," Nadine told us.

Additionally, there are widespread power and water outages in the city and camp. The communications and internet network is also very weak due to warplanes and drones flying over the Jenin camp around the clock.

"This raid differs from previous ones in terms of the number of military vehicles, the brutality of the soldiers, and their precise and harsh procedures," Nadine added.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Fayha' Shalash is a Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist. She graduated from Birzeit University in 2008 and she has been working as a reporter and broadcaster ever since. Her articles appeared in several online publications. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post 'Jenin is Gaza': Refugees Describe Israel's Brutal Assault on Their West Bank Camp appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

2. ‘When I Saw the House, I Felt Paralyzed’: Gaza’s Battle for Shelter

By Noor Alyacoubi – Gaza

Amid the fragile ceasefire, displaced families in northern Gaza face a new battle: finding shelter in a region devastated by destruction.

"Thank God those displaced to the south haven't returned immediately after the ceasefire".

This ironic phrase has become a common refrain in northern Gaza. At first, it might sound surprising. After all, the return of the displaced should be a time of joy—a long-awaited moment to reunite with loved ones after months of separation and hardship. It has also been a very critical issue that hindered the path of negotiations between the Palestinian Resistance and Israel for months.

But when you delve deeper, the sentiment reflects a harsh reality: the brief window between the ceasefire and the return of the displaced is barely enough time to regain stability in an already devastated region.

'I Fear Hope' – Gazans Anticipate Ceasefire Deal with Mixed Emotions

The Battle for Shelter Begins

As the war ended, a new battle began—the desperate search for shelter.

"We are living in their homes," said Osama Hamed, a father of four, his voice heavy with sadness. "We barely have time to pack our bags and figure out where to go before the original owners return to claim what's rightfully theirs."

Since the attack on the Jabaliya Camp, Osama and his family have been staying in a house of relatives in Al-Jalaa, western Gaza City.

"I kept praying that my house would still be standing," Osama said. "Even if it was partially destroyed, I just wanted it to remain standing to return to."

On January 19, even two hours before the ceasefire began, Osama rushed to check his home in Jabalia. What he found crushed him—the building was reduced to rubble.

The house wasn't just Osama's; it was a family home built by his late father. Osama and his four brothers each had an apartment there, a symbol of their father's hard work. Now, that legacy is gone. The brothers and their families face an uncertain future, each struggling to find shelter.

"Seeing the ruins, I felt paralyzed," Osama told The Palestine Chronicle. "Questions overwhelmed me—where will we go? What will we do? I didn't even have the chance to grieve."

The Road from Jabaliya – The Harrowing Details of a Palestinian Family Escaping Israeli Death

"The house was our haven, and now it's gone," he lamented.

The family hosting Osama is expected to return to their own home soon, leaving him with no choice but to find another shelter.

"I even considered erecting a tent over the rubble," Osama admitted. "But the area is uninhabitable—a wiped-out zone with no infrastructure, no water, and barely any streets left intact."

The destruction in the Jabaliya refugee camp is staggering. Homes have been obliterated, streets bulldozed, water lines destroyed, and basic infrastructure wiped out. Moving through the area is a challenge, let alone trying to rebuild.

Osama's other options disappeared just as quickly. His cousin's vacant apartment was already occupied, and his in-laws' home in northern Gaza was also destroyed.

"I am still searching for a place to stay," Osama said.

'I Have to Keep Going' – Raising a Baby during the Gaza Genocide

Lost Shelter, Lost Livelihood

Adding to Osama's struggles is the loss of his livelihood.

"I am a fabric sewer, but all my machines are now buried under the rubble," he said.

Before the war, Gaza's electricity crisis forced Osama to buy solar panels for $8,000—four times their pre-war price.

"Now, I have nothing," he told us. "I need a new sewing machine and another solar system, but both are nearly impossible to find."

Osama's brother, Salem, also lost his livelihood. His supermarket, located in the same building, was destroyed. While a relative offered Salem a temporary, unfurnished apartment, he faces uncertainty about reopening his business.

"Nothing is stable," Salem said. "Products come and go, prices fluctuate wildly. I'm afraid of buying stock and losing everything again."

Battling against Time

As Sunday approaches—the day the displaced are expected to return to Gaza City—families like Osama's are racing against time to secure shelter.

For Jawad, a resident of Jabaliya and a new father, the ceasefire brought no relief. His home, though still standing, was severely damaged.

"The walls are gone, the furniture is destroyed," Jawad said. "But the columns are intact, so I have no choice but to make it livable."

'This Isn't Real. It's Just a Nightmare' – Gaza, My Haven, My Loss

Since the ceasefire began, Jawad and his brother have worked tirelessly to clear rubble and cover the structure with makeshift canopies.

"Our neighborhood is uninhabitable," Jawad admitted. "But where else can we go? I can't afford to rent, and there's no land here for camps."

Unlike southern Gaza, where agricultural lands can accommodate makeshift camps, Gaza City and northern Gaza are densely populated, with little space to spare.

In northern Gaza alone, 450,000 people are now homeless, scrambling to find even the barest shelter.

The ceasefire may have brought an end to the bombs, but for many in Gaza, the struggle for survival is only just beginning.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Noor Alyacoubi is a Gaza-based writer. She studied English language and literature at al-Azhar university in Gaza City. She is part of the Gaza-based writers' collective We Are Not Numbers. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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3. Gaza Ceasefire at Last: How Israel’s ‘First Defeat’ Will Shape the Country’s Future

By Ramzy Baroud  

Unlike previous military campaigns in Gaza—on a much smaller scale compared to the current genocidal war—there is no significant strand of Israeli society claiming victory.

The headline in the Times of Israel says it all: "For the First Time, Israel Just Lost a War."

Regardless of the reasoning behind this statement, which the article divides into fourteen points, it suggests a shattering and unprecedented event in the 76-year history of the State of Israel. The consequences of this realization will have far-reaching effects on Israelis, impacting both this generation and the next. These repercussions will penetrate all sectors of Israeli society, from the political elite to the collective identity of ordinary Israelis.

Interestingly, and tellingly, the article attributes Israel's defeat solely to the outcome of the Gaza war, confined to the geographical area of the Gaza Strip. Not a single point addresses the ongoing crisis within Israel itself. Nor does it explore the psychological impact of what is being labeled as Israel's first-ever defeat.

Unlike previous military campaigns in Gaza—on a much smaller scale compared to the current genocidal war—there is no significant strand of Israeli society claiming victory. The familiar rhetoric of "mowing the lawn", which Israel often uses to describe its wars, is notably absent. Instead, there is a semi-consensus within Israel that the ceasefire deal was unequivocally bad, even disastrous for the country.

The word "bad" carries broad implications. For Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, it represents a "complete surrender". For the equally extremist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, it is a "dangerous deal" that compromises Israel's "national security".

Israeli President Isaac Herzog refrained from offering political specifics but addressed the deal in equally strong terms: "Let there be no illusions. This deal—when signed, approved and implemented—will bring with it deeply painful, challenging and harrowing moments."

Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar, along with other Israeli officials, tried to justify the deal by framing Israel's ultimate goal as the freeing of captives. "If we postpone the decision, who knows how many will remain alive?" he said.

However, many in Israel, along with an increasing number of analysts, are now questioning the government's narrative. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had previously rejected similar ceasefire agreements in May and July, impeding any possibility of negotiation.

In the time between those rejections and the eventual acceptance of the deal, tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed or wounded. While these tragedies have been entirely disregarded or dismissed in Israel, many Israeli captives were also killed, mostly in Israeli military strikes.

Had Netanyahu accepted the deal earlier, many of these captives would likely still be alive. This fact will linger over whatever remains of Netanyahu's political career, further defining his already controversial and corruption-riddled legacy.

Ultimately, Netanyahu has failed on multiple fronts. Initially, he wanted to prevent his right-wing, extremist coalition from collapsing, even at the expense of most Israelis. As early as May 2024, many prioritized the return of captives over the continuation of war. Netanyahu's eventual concession was not driven by internal pressure, but by the stark realization that he could no longer win.

The political crisis that had been brewing in Israel reached a breaking point as Netanyahu's administration scrambled to navigate the growing discontent. In an article published soon after the ceasefire announcement, Yedioth Ahronoth declared Netanyahu politically defeated, while his Chief of Staff, Herzi Halevi, was blamed for military failure.

In reality, Netanyahu has failed on both fronts. Military generals repeatedly urged him to end the war, believing Israel had achieved tactical victories in Gaza. During the war, Israel's political and social crises deepened.

Netanyahu, at the helm, resorted to his old tactics. Instead of demonstrating true leadership, he engaged in political manipulation, lied when it suited him, threatened those who refused to follow his rules and deflected personal responsibility. Meanwhile, the Israeli public became increasingly disillusioned with the war's direction and frustrated with Netanyahu and his coalition.

In the end, the entire Kafkaesque structure of Israeli governance collapsed. The failure to manage both the political crisis and the military strategy left Israel's leadership weakened and increasingly isolated from the public.

Of course, Netanyahu will not give up easily. He will likely attempt to satisfy Ben-Gvir by insisting that Israel retains the right to return to war at any time. He will likely enable Smotrich to expand illegal settlements in the West Bank and may try to redeem the military's reputation by escalating operations there.

These actions may buy Netanyahu some time, but they will not last. The majority of Israelis now seek new elections. While previous elections have ignored Palestinians, the next election will be almost entirely defined by the Gaza war and its aftermath.

Israel is now facing the reality of a political and military failure on a scale previously unimaginable. Netanyahu's handling of the situation will be remembered as a key moment in the country's history, and its consequences will continue to affect Israeli society for years to come.

Netanyahu's departure from the political stage seems inevitable—whether because of the war's outcome, the next elections or simply due to illness and old age. However, the material and psychological impacts of the Gaza war on Israeli society will remain, and they are likely to have irreversible consequences. These effects could potentially threaten the survival of Israel itself.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is "Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out". Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

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4. Operation ‘Iron Wall’: How Israeli Forces and PA Collaborate against Jenin Resistance

By Robert Inlakesh

Israel's Operation Iron Wall targets Jenin resistance fighters, with direct coordination and complicity from the Palestinian Authority.

On Tuesday, Israel launched a major invasion of Jenin and declared Operation Iron Wall, designed to crush the anti-occupation armed groups in the northern West Bank. However, it is not acting alone and is conducting this major assault with the full complicity of the Palestinian Authority security forces as their proxy. 

Days prior to the announcement that a Gaza-Israel ceasefire had been reached, on January 14, Israel launched three drone strikes in the Jenin Camp, killing six and injuring around a dozen others. This came on the same day that the Palestinian Authority (PA) and Jenin Brigades resistance group reached an agreement to end the 40-day-long PA siege on the refugee camp.

Despite the deal between the two sides, the PA refused to honor its side of the bargain and continued to besiege Jenin Camp and arrest anti-occupation fighters. 

On January 21, only two days after the implementation of the Gaza ceasefire, the occupation forces announced the beginning of a major operation in the northern West Bank. On Wednesday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz named the operation "Iron Wall" and vowed to implement the lessons learned "from the method of repeated raids in Gaza".

The first primary target has been the Palestinian resistance groups operating in Jenin and its refugee camp. Israel has deployed military bulldozers, jeeps, armored personnel carriers, attack helicopters, predator drones, and a large sum of soldiers to wage its offensive. 

Yet, for the first time ever, the PA's security forces are actively participating in aiding the Israeli crackdown directly. The PA continues its siege surrounding the Jenin refugee camp, arrests resistance fighters who are confronting the Israeli invading army, and maintains close "security coordination" with the occupying force.

During its own crackdown on the anti-occupation resistance groups, the PA's forces murdered Palestinian civilians, including children and a female journalist. The PA also cut off electricity and water from the Jenin Camp, imposed curfews, fired indiscriminately at those who had tried to simply exit their homes at the wrong time, and was even accused by UN officials of temporarily taking over a hospital and using it as a military facility.

PA officials claim that they are acting against outlaws and on behalf of the Palestinian people as cheap propaganda, but the reality is that the overwhelming majority of the people in the West Bank are against their war crimes. Instead, the deeply unpopular anti-Democratic PA is largely seen as a proxy force of the Israeli occupation at this point. 

Although in the past it had legitimacy, it no longer presents itself as much more than a South Lebanon Army-styled organization, which also provides employment to a large portion of the West Bank population, making it more effective than a traditional occupation proxy.

After the PA failed to involve itself successfully in the Gaza ceasefire deal and is still refusing to commit to a compromise that would permit it to take control of the territory, it appears to be trying to desperately prove its relevance to Israel.

With Donald Trump taking office and immediately rescinding Joe Biden's executive orders that sanctioned key Israeli settler extremists in the West Bank, the territory seems to be nearing paroxysm. 

The Trump campaign was additionally financed by Israel's richest billionaire, Miriam Adelson, who pumped a whopping $100 million into his successful bid for Presidency, making it clear that her primary demand was that Washington permit Tel Aviv's annexation of the West Bank.

The Israeli settler militias who have not only been trained, armed and even integrated into specialized army units like the Desert Frontier over the past years, eye a war on Palestinian villages. These kinds of pogroms are carried out with no opposition from the PA security forces that have refused to step in and help protect their own people, instead repeatedly helping settlers to safety when they enter Israeli-designated PA areas.

Israel is now licking its wounds from seemingly extracting nothing from its 15-month genocide in Gaza, as it failed to achieve its two primary stated goals – crushing Hamas and returning their captives by force – the PA was perhaps dealt an even greater blow. 

Although Israel used its full military might against the Gaza Strip, it has now agreed to withdraw and will have no military presence nor settlements in the territory. This result is due to Gaza's resistance factions, including Fatah-aligned factions.

Meanwhile, the Fatah-led PA has for two decades – following the Second Intifada – rejected the use of any force against their occupier under all circumstances. The Palestinian Authority security forces, which during the Second Intifada had actually helped fight against Israel, have been turned into a force that is dedicated to preventing any harm to Israeli settler security. 

The PA, instead of taking measures to prevent the expansion of illegal settlements, Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinian villages, and annexation of its territory, now fights solely against Palestinians who dare to resist Israel's actions. This has even begun triggering resignations within the PA, particularly its security forces.

The PA's model of maximum collaboration with Israel and zero tolerance for resistance, has led them to a position where they now face the loss of the majority of the West Bank. On the other side, Gaza endured one of the greatest atrocities witnessed since World War 2 but still managed to keep ahold of their territory.

The Ramallah-based Authority is therefore seeking to spread the narrative that Gaza's resistance was useless and that it was dealt a huge defeat and for selfish reasons, while it is the true representative of the Palestinian people that keeps its people's interests at heart. 

This narrative is false on a number of levels, including the idea that the PA speaks for the vast majority of Palestinians – something that all authoritative polling data disproves. Perhaps the most important aspect of tackling this portrayal of events is in the rampant PA corruption and the collapse of its anti-resistance philosophy, in the face of an occupier that cares little for what it says.

As the Israeli occupation forces intensify their assault on the West Bank, the PA will eventually be forced into the position whereby it becomes a resistance movement again, disbands itself or is deposed. 

It has simply lost its usefulness to anyone, as the Israelis themselves are struggling to see it as a capable partner, especially after its embarrassing failure to successfully defeat the Jenin Brigades after over 40 days of fighting.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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5. The West Bank’s Crucial Moment: Israel’s Gamble and the PA’s Betrayal – Analysis

By Ramzy Baroud  

Israel's escalating military campaign in the West Bank, coupled with the PA's complicity, sets the stage for a pivotal confrontation in Palestinian resistance.

The Israeli army continued its onslaught on the Jenin refugee camp, a military campaign that began almost immediately after a Gaza ceasefire was announced.

Though the epicenter of the campaign remains in Jenin, where many Palestinians have been killed or wounded, major West Bank cities have also been raided.

Israeli raids have reached numerous villages and refugee camps, leading to the arrest of many Palestinians.

The Palestinian Authority (PA), which has long acted as a supposed vanguard of Palestinian rights, is actively participating in the Israeli campaign. In fact, the PA was involved in pacifying the Resistance in Jenin and other West Bank areas prior to Israeli attacks, seemingly setting the stage for a larger Israeli military crackdown.

PA Forces Kill Young Man as Israel Continues Military Offensive in Jenin

PA Role

The irony is that the PA named its operation in Jenin, which extended from December 5 to January 21, "Protecting the Homeland." Yet, the operation merely tried to pacify the "homeland," making it easier for the Israeli military mission to follow through.

The degree of PA violence against Palestinians in the West Bank is increasingly comparable to Israeli violence, further cementing the claim that the PA is, in fact, a tool of control used by the Israeli occupation against Palestinians.

In 2007, Gaza rebelled against the PA in what was erroneously dubbed at the time as the Hamas-Fatah clash, with Fatah being the dominant party in the PLO and the faction of PA President Mahmoud Abbas.

It is unclear whether a similar rebellion against the PA is possible in the West Bank, at least for now, considering the Palestinian population there faces three tiers of violence: the Israeli army, armed illegal Jewish settlers, and Abbas' security forces.

Hoping to "preserve Palestinian blood," the Jenin Resistance had agreed, on January 14, to sign an agreement with the PA, allowing PA forces to enter Jenin without confrontation, as long as they refrained from taking violent measures against the Resistance. The PA reportedly reneged on the agreement, leaving parts of Jenin open to Israeli military entry.

The days of urging the PA to prioritize national unity over its "security coordination" with Israel are over, as Palestinians now see the PA as an integral component of the Israeli army.

Dozens Killed, Injured in Jenin – Israel Launches 'Iron Wall' Operation in Jenin

The Timing 

But why is Israel attacking the West Bank, and why now?

The Israeli military operation in the West Bank, codenamed 'Iron Wall', was ostensibly carried out for the sake of "destroying terrorist infrastructure in Jenin," and preventing another October 7, according to Israeli security sources cited by Channel 14.

However, this cannot be true. Even with heightened resistance in the northern West Bank, the region appears unprepared for an October 7-like Al-Aqsa Flood Operation.

The logic of the 'Iron Wall' lies more within the political and psychosocial realms.

First, Israel was defeated in Gaza, an unprecedented defeat in the history of the country, according to David K.Rees, writing in The Times of Israel. From the official Israeli viewpoint, the psychological impact of that defeat requires immediate action to prevent Israeli society and media from dwelling on its larger and long-term consequences.

This is partly why Israel is attacking the West Bank, which, at least for now, represents the soft belly of Palestinian resistance, partly due to PA repression.

The same logic can explain why Israel has agreed to a ceasefire in Lebanon while advancing unopposed in Syria.

Israeli muscle-flexing is largely aimed at sending a message of power and control to the Israeli public, which has lost faith in its army, intelligence, and political institutions.

Jenin Camp Under Siege – PA Forces Target Civilians, Prevent Food, Medicine

Second, the Israeli operation in the West Bank is part of a political trade-off between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and extremist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. The latter, though opposed to the Gaza ceasefire, remained in the government, bolstering Netanyahu's fractious coalition.

Unlike Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, who resigned along with his Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party, Smotrich stayed, on the condition of carrying out a major military operation in the West Bank, paving the way for further expansion of illegal settlements.

This exchange benefits both Smotrich and Netanyahu. Smotrich can now rally more followers to his far-right base, claiming to have stood firm on Israel's national security in Gaza while suppressing Palestinians in the West Bank.

For Netanyahu, it's also a way to keep Smotrich's supporters happy, as the rise of Smotrich's base could weaken Ben-Gvir's influence, as both vie for the same constituency.

New Intifada? 

While Israeli leaders ramp up violence in the West Bank for political gains, they are not paying much heed to warnings from military and intelligence leaders.

On January 9, for example, Israel's Channel 12 reported that Chief of Staff Herzi Halevy and senior officers warned the war cabinet that the West Bank is on the brink of an explosion, and that tensions could lead to a "a third intifada (uprising)."

Indeed, Israel's miscalculation in the West Bank could potentially lead to a much-anticipated popular uprising, which, if it occurs, will be difficult, if not impossible, to control according to Israeli military timetables.

Six Palestinians Killed in Israeli Airstrike on Jenin Refugee Camp

Palestinian anger resulting from the Israeli genocide in Gaza, coupled with the collective sense of victory from the ceasefire, makes the possibility of an Intifada very real. If such an Intifada takes place, much of the West Bank—and Palestinian political life—would change.

The PA has already chosen sides in the upcoming conflict. The Israeli government, reeling from the Gaza defeat, is ready to engage in more military gambles. The world continues to watch in silence, as it has during 471 of Israel's genocides.

Will the West Bank erupt with the same vigor and determination to win against the Israeli occupation, as their brethren in Gaza have? If the answer is yes, the Israeli occupation will face another major blow, paving the road for Palestinian freedom.

(The Palestine Chronicle Managing Editor Romana Rubeo contributed to this analysis.)

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is "Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out". Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

The post The West Bank's Crucial Moment: Israel's Gamble and the PA's Betrayal – Analysis appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

6. Contrasting Reality: Treatment of Israeli and Palestinian Prisoners

By Jamal Kanj

The international community's silence on the plight of Palestinian prisoners stands in stark contrast to the overwhelming outpouring of concern for Israeli captives.

The release of three Israeli women held captive in Gaza on Sunday attracted significant global media attention. However, there was comparatively limited coverage of the freed Palestinian women, who had been kidnapped and detained by Israel without charge. This disparity reflects the normalization of the dehumanization of Palestinians, perpetuating a narrative that enables Israel to murder more than 46,000 Palestinians with impunity.

Initial medical assessments by the Red Cross and Israeli doctors indicated that the women were in good health, suggesting they had been treated well during their captivity. Their accounts speak of humane conditions with access to food, water, and shelter. Israel captives were afforded medical care and sustenance when Israel starved Palestinian children, murdered doctors and burned down hospitals.

The Israeli women were treated with dignity during their captivity. In contrast, a United Nations report highlights the mistreatment of Palestinian women in Israeli jails, and how they are "subjected to sexual assault, stripped naked, and searched by male Israeli army officers," and threatened with sexual violence. The same report also noted that Israeli soldiers took photos of female Palestinian detainees "in degrading circumstances" and threatened to post the images online to further humiliate and exert control over them.

The wellbeing of the released Israeli captives—despite the devastation in Gaza at the hand of Israel¾bespeaks of the humane values of their captors. Without a doubt, their visible appearance reveals that they had enjoyed what the majority of Gazans did not have access to, under the malevolent Israeli siege, such as food, fuel to keep warm, or safe shelter to protect them
from Israeli bombs and the elements.

Meanwhile, a video of the released Khalida Jarrar, a Palestinian woman prisoner leader, shows her struggling to walk—a contrast to the image of her before she was kidnapped by Israeli occupation forces in December 2023.

The care shown to Israeli prisoners is the polar opposite of the treatment Palestinian prisoners received in Israeli custody. Among them, detained Palestinian doctors tortured to death not for carrying a gun, but rather for holding a scalpel in the operating room to treat the injured, possibly including Israeli captives.

Palestinians who survived Israeli torture, like bodybuilder Moazaz Obaiyat, tell a different story. Obaiyat was detained following a pre-dawn raid on his West Bank home in October 2023. Unlike the healthy Israeli women who sprinted into the Red Cross vehicles upon their release, the once strong and muscular Obaiyat was unable to walk unaided after being held without charge for eleven months.

For Palestinians held in Israeli jails, the reality could not be more different since 1948. The maltreatment of Palestinian prisoners, torture, abuse, and even death in custody have been well-documented by human rights organizations. According to UN sources, 56 Palestinians have lost their lives in Israeli prisons due to torture since October 7 2023.

Male Palestinian detainees have also been victims of sexual assault as a means of humiliation and coercion. These crimes are not isolated incidents but part of a racist Israeli policy designed to break their will. Not only have the Israeli perpetrators gone unpunished, but their actions have often been justified or defended by Israeli leaders. For Palestinian prisoners—many held without charge or trial—captivity is an experience of unimaginable torment.

Torture and the humiliation of Palestinians in Israeli jails is backed by Israeli officials, such as Israeli lawmaker Hanoch Milwidsky. When asked if it was acceptable "to insert a stick into a person's rectum," Milwidsky responded, "Yes, if he is a Nukhba (Hamas militant) everything is legitimate to do! Everything!"

According to Israeli accounts, this qualification of being a Hamas militant effectively applies to every Palestinian in Gaza, as per Israeli government, "there are no innocent civilians." This sentiment was echoed earlier by the self-proclaimed moderate Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who declared, "An entire nation out there is responsible."

In defending the abusive actions by reservist jailers, the racist Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir wrote in a post on social media: "Take your hands off the reservists," referring to Israeli soldiers charged with sodomizing Palestinian prisoners.

Torture, detention without charge, and other punitive measures remains a persistent feature of Israeli policy discourse. This institutional backing not only perpetuates abuse but also normalizes this behavior in the Israeli culture, against the Palestinian "goyim."

When abuses are exposed, Israeli officials often deny or downplay them as isolated incidents. They refuse to allow independent investigations or hold anyone accountable. Israeli prison officials and political leaders consistently defend their actions, framing any criticism as an attack on Israel's security apparatus. Some Israeli lawmakers and public figures argue that the humanization of Palestinian prisoners undermines the morale of security forces.

The disparity in the treatment of prisoners serves as a microcosm of the broader power and ethical divide between Israelis and Palestinians. While Israeli captives are humanized, Palestinians in Israeli jails endure systemic abuse that reflects the dehumanization of an entire people. This double standard is not only a moral failing but also a reflection of the deep-seated Zionist ideology that dismisses the humanity of Palestinians.

The international community's silence on the plight of Palestinian prisoners stands in stark contrast to the overwhelming outpouring of concern for Israeli captives. This selective outrage only enables the Israeli policies of dehumanization, injustice and oppression. The contrasting reality between Israeli and Palestinian captives exposes not just the dehumanization inherent in the Israeli culture toward non-Jews, but also strips naked the selective morality of the West.

– Jamal Kanj is the author of "Children of Catastrophe," Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Arab world issues for various national and international commentaries. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle

The post Contrasting Reality: Treatment of Israeli and Palestinian Prisoners appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

7. The Palestinian Authority Seeks to Rule Gaza: Can It Succeed?

By Robert Inlakesh

The PA's President, Mahmoud Abbas, has remained adamant that Hamas should not play a role in the governance of post-war Gaza, which has time and time again led to the collapse of reconciliation talks.

Upon the Gaza ceasefire deal's ratification by the Israeli Cabinet on January 17, the Palestinian Authority (PA)'s President, Mahmoud Abbas, released a statement proclaiming that preparations had been made to "assume full responsibility in Gaza". The likelihood of this occurring remains low, however.

Since the beginning of the Gaza Genocide the Palestinian Authority (PA) has been sitting on the sidelines, attempting to weave itself into a potential day-after settlement. 

The idea of handing over the Gaza Strip to the Fatah-led PA – that currently maintains partial administrative/security control over a portion of the occupied West Bank – has been discussed between Hamas and PA officials for some time, without any tangible steps being taken towards its implementation.

An Icon of the Second Intifada – Who is Zakaria Zubeidi? – PROFILE

For its part, the PA's President, Mahmoud Abbas, has remained adamant that Hamas should not play a role in the governance of post-war Gaza, which has time and time again led to the collapse of reconciliation talks between the Ramallah-based authority and Hamas. 

The latest round of talks took place in Egypt, close to the New Year, resulting in failure once again and leading to Cairo allowing dialogue on a hybrid form of Gaza governance, which would include roles from Gulf Arab countries. 

So far there has been no confirmed model for Gaza's future governance, although it has appeared that a US-Israeli-favoured technocratic administration, that receives foreign support and works without Hamas, is now prominent in the media discourse.

The Challenge of PA Governance

While a PA administration run out of the Gaza Strip could potentially offer some economic benefits to the beleaguered territory and help lift Western sanctions, therefore easing the Israeli siege, it also comes with a variety of complicating factors.

Hamas has been the administrative power inside of Gaza since 2006. This has meant that the civil society sector – which it had already been building prior to its victory in the legislative elections – along with the territory's security apparatus, administrative staffers and anyone in positions of power within the territory, have either worked under de-facto Hamas rule or been members of the group.

Despite it being the cheap propaganda of the Israeli and Western corporate media to label the Gaza Health Ministry as "Hamas-run", as it is staffed by healthcare professionals and not militants as the title lets on, the government under which it operated was a Hamas administration. Similar to how the Israeli Ministry of Health is under the rule of the Israeli government and the Palestinian Health Ministry in the West Bank operates under a PA administration.

Post-Gaza Ceasefire: Israel Prepares to Focus Its War on The West Bank

What this means is that Hamas as a political party is always going to have ties to every sector in Gaza so long as it exists, even if this just means staffers who work in administrative roles. Purging experienced individuals who worked alongside Hamas, making them de-facto part of its administration, many of them without actually being its members, would be a catastrophe and would mean any new administration would have to be fully run by new and relatively inexperienced people.

For example, when the Trump administration takes power in the United States, there will be key changes made in government, but it would be impossible to purge everyone who worked under the past administrations. The US doesn't purge everyone in its police forces, intelligence agencies, Pentagon, courts, health sector etc. when it changes administration from Democratic to Republican. There are experienced individuals who work in key areas of government and civil society that remain throughout each transitional phase. 

In Gaza's case, they also have a lot fewer people to draw from than an established nation, it is an occupied territory with just over 2 million inhabitants. On top of this, Hamas is the most popular political party amongst Palestinians, and like is the case in every country, some families will have supporters of the Hamas movements, Fatah, or the likes of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in the same family unit.

This means that completely sidelining Hamas is not possible, especially after the Genocide that has worked to bring the people together and even change the minds of some Palestinians in Gaza who previously despised Hamas for various reasons. The only way to do this is to import new security forces, government officials and experienced individuals from outside of Gaza; to rule the territory. This could end up creating great friction and meet failure if implemented in the wrong way.

The Gaza Dilemma: Can PA Replace Hamas and the Popular Resistance?

During the war, in northern Gaza, the Israelis made a number of attempts to form their own security forces there out of collaborators and there were even reports that PA security force members were even sent there at one point, after an Israeli proposal put forth, plots that were largely foiled by the local population there itself. The Israeli military did however succeed at using criminal gangs in order to exploit the local population in its so-called "safe zone", working with them directly in southern Gaza to intercept aid trucks.

While the Palestinian Authority had repeatedly released statements that sought to condemn Hamas and blame them for triggering the Israeli genocide, it also appeared to be hedging its bets on an Israeli victory of the Palestinian armed groups in Gaza and hoping to play a role in a Saudi-Israeli normalisation deal.

Mahmoud Abbas and the PA leadership underneath him also failed to perform a positive support role in favor of Gaza throughout the war, which also worked to inflict a greater blow on PA support inside the besieged territory. On the other hand, the Hamas leadership was dying alongside the rest of the population there. While Israeli propaganda tried to suggest that Hamas leaders were living in luxury, protecting their families, or were hiding, as the general population suffered, this narrative collapsed when faced with the objective reality.

Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated and most of his sons, along with various other members of his family, were killed in Israeli airstrikes. As Yahya Sinwar died in a direct battle with the Israeli army and the videos released of his final moments featured him fighting until the very last moment. These examples serve as a sharp contrast to PA leaders who do live comfortably and many with immense wealth.

Weapon of Propaganda – Israeli 'Mass Rape' Allegations Continue to Fall Apart

Another issue is that the PA has used the relative stability in the West Bank – when compared with Gaza – as an example of why non-violence and collaboration with the Israeli occupiers are more effective at achieving the goals of the Palestinian national liberation cause. 

With the ceasefire/prisoner exchange in Gaza, despite the Israelis inflicting one of the worst crimes in recent memory, there is no internal Israeli occupation or settlements. On the other hand, the West Bank has been destabilized, settlement expansion continues, settler violence is coming to a boiling point and annexing portions of the territory could be imminent. This is all in addition to the unanimous understanding of the Palestinian people that the PA is riddled with corruption.

Israel also may not see the PA as its best pick for Gaza governance and has favored an administration that is run with the help of foreign Arab nations instead, discluding the PA. Another possible option could be to bring in former PA preventative security chief, Mohammed Dahlan, who would run an iteration of the Palestinian Authority in Gaza, but keep it separated from the West Bank.

All of this misses the popular will of Gaza's people, however, who should and will undoubtedly play the decisive role in the post-war administration? Without the popular cooperation of the general public, no form of governance will work. This appears to be something that both the PA, Israel, and the US, all overlook in their public statements on a post-war Gaza.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post The Palestinian Authority Seeks to Rule Gaza: Can It Succeed? appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

8. The Secretive Shadow Unit of Al-Qassam: A Hidden Force That Baffles Intelligence Agencies

Omar Zaqzouq reports on Al-Jazeera Arabic website about the Shadow Unit of Al-Qassam, which has captured the attention of social media users following its role in the recent Israeli prisoner exchange.

The 'Shadow Unit' – Wihdat al-Thil – of the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, has once again come into the spotlight after its involvement in the exchange of three Israeli female prisoners last Sunday.

This operation was part of the first phase of a ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas.

The swift appearance and disappearance of the unit's members after the completion of the exchange sparked significant attention on social media platforms. Users were particularly captivated by the distinctive black uniforms worn by one of the unit members, which stood in stark contrast to the military attire worn by the rest of the Al-Qassam fighters.

وحدة الظل ليست مجموعة عادية…
1️⃣ يظهر رجل بملابس سوداء مميزة تختلف تماما عن الزي العسكري للمجموعات المقاتلة.
2️⃣ لم تنسى الاسيرات توديعه على الرغم من هول المشهد بتحية وسلام ملحوظ.
3️⃣ في الزاوية الثانية من التصوير يظهر الرجل بشكل اكثر وضوحا.
4️⃣ لكن فجأة نجده ينسحب بعد انتهاء… pic.twitter.com/V5nHGDHpvv

— مَحْمُودْ سَالِمْ الْجِنْدِي (@DrMahmoudSalemE) January 19, 2025

According to media reports and comments on social media, the Shadow Unit is known for its high level of military and psychological training, with exceptional skills in stealth and mobility. Some commentators noted that the unit is responsible for protecting Israeli prisoners in Gaza.

However, much of the details surrounding the unit's operations remain shrouded in secrecy, with the Al-Qassam Brigades maintaining complete confidentiality due to the sensitive nature of its tasks.

This mystery has prompted numerous questions about how the unit manages to safeguard the prisoners and the nature of its operations.

Activists have raised questions about the work of the Shadow Unit, one asking: "Who can provide a convincing explanation for how they kept the female prisoners safe and in such pristine condition? How did the Shadow Unit soldiers maintain their impeccable military appearance after the exchange? And where do they keep the bodies of prisoners targeted by Israeli airstrikes?"

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Some observers described the prisoner exchange as a moment of awe, with one commenter saying, "Imagine the moment of the prisoner exchange, as the world's intelligence agencies stand in awe before the Shadow Unit, trying to figure out how a normal human being can endure, defy the laws of nature, and keep their prisoners safe throughout this massacre."

Bloggers believe that the success of the Shadow Unit in concealing the prisoners and managing their exchange represents both a media and tactical victory for Hamas, which could further enhance its standing in Palestinian public opinion.

According to some followers, the Shadow Unit will continue to be a topic of interest and study in the fields of intelligence and special operations due to the unique nature of its work and its ability to operate under extremely challenging conditions.

(Al-Jazeera Arabic website – Translated and prepared by the Palestine Chronicle) 

The post The Secretive Shadow Unit of Al-Qassam: A Hidden Force That Baffles Intelligence Agencies appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

9. ‘I Was in a Grave’: Freed Palestinian Female Prisoners Share Their Stories with Palestine Chronicle

By Fayha Shalash – Ramallah

Freed Palestinian female prisoners, including prominent leader Khalida Jarrar, share harrowing accounts of their abuse and suffering in Israeli prisons with the Palestine Chronicle, highlighting the brutal conditions they endured.

Khalida Jarrar, the iconic Palestinian leader, appeared after her release in the exchange deal on Sunday looking unrecognizable to those who knew her—tired and thin, with white hair and eyes that reflected the oppression of solitary confinement.

"I was in isolation. I can't talk." With these words, she apologized to all the journalists and left with her family, while everyone was engulfed in sadness over her condition.

But after just one day, Khalida came back as strong as ever, as if she had shaken off the dust of prison and solitary confinement to expose the jailer and his cruelty.

69 Palestinian female prisoners out of 85 were released in the recent exchange deal between the Palestinian Resistance movement Hamas and Israel, including mothers, journalists, university students, and wounded women.

A Lifetime of Resistance: Who is Khalida Jarrar? – PROFILE

In contrast to the smiles and good health visible on the faces of the three Israeli female detainees handed over by Hamas, the Palestinian female prisoners appeared tired, pale-faced, and in pain.

Speaking to a gathering of journalists in Ramallah, Khalida tried to convey a picture of what she endured in a solitary confinement cell for six months before her release, where life seemed absent.

"I was in a narrow cell. Sometimes I felt suffocated. The bathroom was next to me in the same cramped room," she said. 

"The food was bad, and the water had a disgusting taste. There was no treatment or medicine for my illnesses. I was in a place that felt very much like a grave," she added.

Although this was her fifth arrest, she admitted that it was the most difficult. Prison conditions were harsh, and the jailers were cruel.

From Behind Bars to Freedom: Palestinian Prisoners Speak Out on Repression and Torture in Israeli Prisons

Khalida was detained from her home on December 23, 2023. She was transferred to administrative detention without charge or trial, reinforcing the belief that her arrest was intended solely to silence her, as she is a national symbol of the Palestinian struggle.

"They Pulled My Hair"

Jenin Amr, a calm and always smiling student at Hebron University, exited the International Red Cross Committee bus, searching among the faces for her family.

She saw her father from afar, ran to him, and seemed to fly before landing in his arms. Her face showed the unforgettable pain and exhaustion that administrative detention had etched on her features during the 14 months she spent there without any charge.

Palestinian student at Hebron University, imprisoned without charge or trial, Jenin Amr — liberated tonight in the Flood of the Free prisoner exchange, by the Palestinian Resistance. pic.twitter.com/IWpMJGvidZ

— Md Badrul Hasan (@MdBadrulHasan16) January 20, 2025

In a tired but calm voice, Jenin told the Palestine Chronicle that the ordeal of the release process was similar to what she endured in prison. When she and the other female prisoners were transferred from Damon Prison to Ofer Prison, they were beaten and insulted.

"They pulled my hair hard and threw me to the ground. When one of the female prisoners tried to help me, they stopped her," she told us. 

"We were all subjected to insults, humiliation, and curses. They kept us in a cold place for long hours under the pretext of conducting inspection procedures," she added.

Jenin, whose name reflects the most suffering city in the occupied West Bank, said that prison is a cruel place for women, where their basic rights and personal dignity are disregarded.

"The food we were given could not be called food—just a few grains of undercooked rice, soup without salt, and water with a rusty taste. This is what we lived on," she continued.

JUST IN: Where is the outrage for Palestinian hostages held by Israel?

The freed Palestinians hostage Rula Hassanein from Bethlehem:

"The tragic situation that the female prisoners live in is truly difficult. There have been significant violations by the prison… pic.twitter.com/NVHXfbfXrP

— Suppressed News. (@SuppressedNws) January 21, 2025

The day after her release, the Israeli army stormed Jenin's house and threatened her family, warning they would re-arrest her if there were any signs of celebration for her freedom.

"My Heart Was Breaking"

When speaking of female prisoners, the stories of mothers stand out, as Israel does not even respect the sacred bond between a mother and her children.

One scene was particularly heart-wrenching: journalist Rula Hassanein hugging her infant daughter, Elia. 

Born prematurely, Elia was in dire need of her mother when the Israeli army detained Rula in March 2024.

"My heart broke for her. Whenever I thought of her, I cried bitterly. I knew she needed me, but it turned out that I needed her more," she said.

Rula, who suffered from chronic kidney disease, received no treatment in detention. She repeatedly requested to be transferred to the clinic and undergo medical tests, but her requests were denied.

La periodista palestina Rula Hassanein, que fue secuestrada por los sionistas en Belén por sus publicaciones en redes sociales y fue separada de su bebé, vuelve a abrazar a su hija tras ser liberada de prisión tras el acuerdo en Gaza.

Como Rula, hay 10.000 rehenes palestinos en… pic.twitter.com/Fz7DozV1uz

— Daniel Mayakovski (@DaniMayakovski) January 20, 2025

"We were all subjected to strip searches—a degrading policy that violated every law, religion, and tradition. It was purely humiliating and harsh," she said.

Each female prisoner returned with a more painful story, full of details that would move anyone to tears. 

Yet, as soon as they saw their families, they seemed to forget the pain, hoping for brighter days to come. They wished for prison to remain only a memory, one that had taught them patience and perseverance.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Fayha' Shalash is a Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist. She graduated from Birzeit University in 2008 and she has been working as a reporter and broadcaster ever since. Her articles appeared in several online publications. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post 'I Was in a Grave': Freed Palestinian Female Prisoners Share Their Stories with Palestine Chronicle appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

10. A Lifetime of Resistance: Who is Khalida Jarrar? – PROFILE

By Robert Inlakesh

Khalida Jarrar, a feminist and political icon, is released in a prisoner exchange deal after decades of resistance and imprisonment.

One of Palestine's iconic figures of the Left, Khalida Jarrar has been in and out of Israeli military detention since 1989, yet here feminist and human rights advocacy has never relented. Committed to the arena of political resistance, she made a name for herself as the most prominent female political prisoner.

Khalida Jarrar was born on February 9, 1963, in the West Bank city of Nablus. In 1985 she earned a Master's degree in Political Science from Birzeit University in occupied Ramallah, building up decades of experience in human rights advocacy. Yet, it wasn't until the beginning of the first Intifada that she would embark on her path to become a society and political icon.

Khalida Jarrar among Dozens of Palestinian Prisoners Freed, Mostly Women and Children

After finishing her Master's degree she would go on to marry Ghassan Jarrar, a fellow student at Birzeit University and successful business owner who was also a political activist. Her husband has been arrested by the Israeli occupation forces 14 times, having spent almost 11 years in total in and out of administrative detention (held without a charge).

On March 8, 1989, Jarrar experienced her first arrest, after participating in a demonstration to mark International Women's Day, which would mark the first of several times she would spend under Israeli detention.

In 1993, following Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)'s signing of Oslo I (Declaration of Principles) which effectively ended the first Intifada, Jarrar served as the vice-chairman of Addameer; a Palestinian political prisoners rights group based in the West Bank. She had also previously worked for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA).

PFLP Leader, Khalida Jarrar, among First Detainees to be Freed in Ceasefire Deal

By 1998, Jarrar was then barred by Israel from traveling outside of occupied Palestine, after Tel Aviv took issue with her participation in a Human Rights Defenders conference that was held in Paris, France. Having been a longtime member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), in 2006 she was made a deputy leader of the group and is a member of its political bureau.

Khalida Jarrar is a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), and held an official position in charge of the political prisoners file in the PLC. She has additionally served as a member of the Supreme National Committee to follow up on the file of Palestine's accession to  the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In August of 2014, her home was suddenly surrounded by at least 50 Israeli soldiers who broke down her doors and invaded her living space, informing her at gunpoint that she was being served a deportation order, forcing her to flee her home in the governorate of Al-Bireh to Jericho. She refused to leave her home and the next year would be subjected to an endless series of detentions without charges, or using loose reasons like "incitement" or that she was a "security threat", despite there being no evidence for such claims. 

Palestine In-Depth: Why Is Israel Afraid of Khalida Jarrar? (VIDEO)

An administrative detention order was issued against her in April of 2015, following a raid on her home that resulted in her arrest. In December of that same year she was issued a 15 month sentence after being convicted at an Israeli military court with a 99.7% conviction rate.

Over a dozen charges were cooked up against her. Amnesty International appealed against the ruling, while it was largely accepted that her role in helping bring Israel to justice at the ICC had been the real reason for her politicised arrest and detention.

Jarrar had two daughters, 28-year-old Yaffa Jarrar and Suha Jarrar. They were both living in  Canada and received their University educations in the country, however, in July of 2021 her daughter Suha passed away from a heart attack.

Khalida Jarrar was imprisoned at the time and was prevented from attending her daughter's funeral by the Israeli occupation forces. Upon her release she would then be filmed grieving at Suha's grave, which gripped the hearts of the Palestinian people at the time.

Our heroines are free and coming home, paving the way for our heroes to follow. This is just the beginning—the first steps towards the freedom of every Palestinian and the liberation of all of Palestine. #Palestine #Freedom #Liberation https://t.co/KTJukCZjcj via @PalestineChron

— Ramzy Baroud (@RamzyBaroud) January 20, 2025

In December of 2023, amidst a major wave of arbitrary arrests across the occupied West Bank, Jarrar was again arrested from her home by Israeli soldiers and placed under administrative detention. According to her lawyers, she had been subjected to torture at the hands of Israeli forces. 

On January 19, 2025, she was released in a prisoner exchange deal after Hamas had requested her to be part of their prisoner-swap deal with Israel. She was filmed exiting a bus, alongside some of the 90 other freed Palestinian female and child hostages held by Israel.

Jarrar was held in solitary confinement for 6-months, appearing physically frail upon her release.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post A Lifetime of Resistance: Who is Khalida Jarrar? – PROFILE appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.