The Palestine Chronicle

1. Endless Displacement: The Tragedy of Forced Evictions in Tulkarm, Jenin

By Fayha Shalash – Ramallah

Tens of thousands of Palestinians continue to endure displacement and loss in Tulkarm and other northern West Bank refugee camps under ongoing Israeli military aggression.

Tasneem Sleit continues to endure the suffering of displacement after being expelled with her family from their home in Tulkarm camp, like tens of thousands of other Palestinians.

The Israeli military aggression against the refugee camps in the northern West Bank has been ongoing for three months, with no end in sight.

All residents of the Jenin, Tulkarm, and Nur Shams camps have been forcibly evicted from their homes, and hundreds of these homes have been demolished as part of a broader plan to erase the refugee camps and completely alter their landscape under the pretext of eliminating armed resistance cells.

More than 40,000 displaced persons from these camps are living in difficult conditions without official Palestinian support. More than half of them have taken up residence in centers, halls, and clubs in the cities of Jenin and Tulkarm, suffering from a lack of aid and an uncertain future.

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No Greater Feeling of Despair

On January 27, Israeli aircraft bombed a target in Tulkarm camp, killing two Palestinians. At the time, Tasneem was outside her home in the al-Madaris neighborhood of the camp and was unable to reach it due to a large-scale Israeli army raid.

Since then, Tasneem has not seen her home. She and her husband were forced to rent a house on the outskirts of the camp, but the Israeli army stormed it on March 12 and turned it into a military barracks, forcing the family to flee once again.

"A few weeks ago, my parents received an order from the Israeli court to demolish their home inside the camp. Then I learned that my home had been demolished. There is no feeling more difficult than this: to have the memories, belongings, and beautiful years we spent there vanish in such moments. It is an extremely harsh thing," she told the Palestine Chronicle.

"The displaced are completely exhausted," Tasneem said, describing their situation, amid Israeli military announcements that they will remain in the camps until next year, with no clear future for them.

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"We are waiting for news of withdrawal so we can return to our homes, most of which have been destroyed, and the remaining homes have been severely damaged. Life in the camp is unbearable. There are those who say we will return to the camp even if we stay in a tent, despite knowing that they are forbidden from rebuilding their homes," she said.

The displaced are not just looking for food; they also need many things that are not available to them, such as clothes they left behind in their homes, now buried under rubble, and general necessities for children.

The majority of volunteers serving the displaced have stopped working, unable to cope with the increasing burdens. This is not to mention the large number of Tulkarm residents whose homes were destroyed by soldiers because they overlooked the camp or were used as military barracks.

The residents have no alternative housing options other than the already overcrowded shelters.

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When Will Our Tragedy End?

Ambulance driver Hazem Masarweh is experiencing the most difficult days of his life after being displaced from his home in Jenin camp.

Masarweh told us that he was forced to flee his home inside the camp at the start of the offensive. He was able to rent a house to avoid being confined to shelters, but he doesn't have any cooking or laundry supplies inside the house.

"All the food aid provided to the displaced contains grains that must be cooked, but we don't have stoves or ovens, which has worsened our suffering," he told us.

To distribute the heavy load, Hazem and his two children were forced to move to one location, while his wife and daughter moved to another, and their eldest son moved to a third. They visit each other every 20 days.

Masarweh owns the Ibn Sina Medical Center in the camp, which the Israeli army has raided several times, destroying its contents. He is unaware of the fate of his home inside the camp.

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"We are experiencing a complex psychological state. We are trying to survive with only what we have, and we are constantly thinking about our homes and the camp's alleys that we grew up in. Will we ever return to them? What does it look like now? When will our prolonged tragedy end?"

Perhaps the greatest concern for the displaced is the lack of any prospects or end to this aggression, similar to previous incursions. The continued displacement weighs heavily on the shoulders of the displaced and their hopes for a dignified life, which seems like a mirage under occupation.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Fayha' Shalash is a Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist. She graduated from Birzeit University in 2008 and she has been working as a reporter and broadcaster ever since. Her articles appeared in several online publications. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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2. Imperial Cowardice: Gaza and the Moral Collapse of the American Elite

By Mohamed El Mokhtar

Gaza is not an aberration. It is a mirror. And in that mirror, young America no longer sees empire — it sees its moral ruin.

Not long ago, in a courteous written exchange, an American friend — Anglo-Saxon, an attorney by profession, graduate of George Washington University and Yale — shared with me a conviction he believed to be lucid: in his view, Israel far surpassed the Arab world in diplomacy, strategy, and technology.

As for American Jews, he said, they excelled in navigating the levers of power — not through privilege, but through merit. What he saw was not domination or capture, but the rightful fulfillment of political modernity.

I read his message attentively. Then I responded, soberly. I do not dispute the resilience of a people, nor their achievements. What I question is how a particular ideological loyalty — Zionism — has become a tacit orthodoxy at the very heart of American power. A reflexive dogma, where any nuance is suspect and every question deemed heretical.

I made sure to draw a distinction our era seems to have forgotten: to criticize a structure of power is not to target a community. To illustrate the ideological saturation now governing American institutions, I cited — carefully, and with critical distance — a troubling phrase once uttered about "Jewish domination of the West." Not to echo it, but to expose its falseness. The real subjugation is not to a people, but to a pro-Israel lobby: structured, strategic, effective — and, unlike other powerful interest groups (in defense, energy, pharmaceuticals), uniquely shielded by symbolic impunity.

This is not about identity, but about power. About a narrative machinery built on moral intimidation, reputational disqualification, and the sanctification of memory. A memory hardened into armor. An impunity enshrined as a doctrine.

My friend declined to explore this complexity. A few days later, he ended our correspondence. Not out of disdain, but out of fear. Fear of certain words. Fear, too, of upsetting the domestic balance: his wife was Jewish, and Gaza was already a cursed word. He wasn't fleeing an idea, but a climate. The climate of an age where doubt is fault, and thought, transgression.

That says it all. America no longer thinks. It recites. It no longer governs. It bows.

What it now venerates is a binary and brutal vision of the world — the vision of an empire that still thinks like a frontier. This posture is not new. The Anglo-Saxon elite, forged in expansion, never needed lobbies to wield violence. But without the current ideological grip, it might have hesitated more, and struck with more restraint.

This is a nation of self-righteous cowboys, convinced every conflict is a duel and every dissenting voice, betrayal. The Middle East is not a region to understand, but a stage to dominate. In this mental theatre, Israel plays a familiar role: enforcer, moral outpost, flattering reflection of an America enamored with its own imperial image.

This reflex is not a deviation. It reveals a deeper deficiency: a country without an aristocracy of the mind. Jackson was born in a log cabin. Truman never attended university. Reagan played the presidency like a role. Bush Jr., despite Yale, embodied privilege devoid of culture. As for Trump, he is the raw child of a frenzied empire — wealth without nobility, power without restraint, vulgarity without shame.

Beneath this vacuum lies a deeper unease: a WASP elite, long dominant but rarely erudite, destabilized, for decades now, by the rise of Jewish American elites: more cultivated, more cosmopolitan, more strategic, and deeply Zionist. Supported by an influential, doctrinaire evangelical base, these elites have mastered the narrative. The white Protestant elite, rather than compete, aligned itself. Some out of conviction; many out of fear or quiet resignation.

And so the story changed hands. Not by conspiracy. But by surrender — and by imposture.

And that surrender kills. In Gaza, it kills bodies. In America, it kills minds. There, hospitals collapse. Here, consciences do. What remains is not diplomacy or thought, but political liturgy. And those who utter the word "genocide" — students, artists, journalists — are dragged to the scaffold.

The moral fracture is wide open. A generation—educated, critical, often Jewish itself—now sees what the ruling class can no longer name: that Israel has become a genocidal war machine, and America, its dispenser of impunity.

This complicity is bipartisan. Sometimes it bears the name Biden, sometimes Trump. One embodies soft submission, the other, brutal blindness. Trump was not a mistake — he was a verdict. A revenge against the betrayal of universal principles. He did not merely dismantle institutions; he revived white supremacism, reawakened latent antisemitism.

A tragic irony: In defending Israel blindly, America endangers the moral future of its own Jewish citizens.

More broadly, the country has surrendered to lobbies, especially the pro-Israel lobby. From progressives to conservatives, this submission transcends party lines — it has become a bipartisan rite.

Its foreign policy is no longer autonomous. It is bought, captured, and executed.

And this submission rests on deeper foundations: a rotten electoral system where money dictates the agenda, and loyalty to Israel matters more than any platform, principle, or nation.

Since the Citizens United ruling, corporations can fund Political Action Committees and flood campaigns with dark money. Corruption does not stop at Congress — it reaches the Supreme Court itself.

Nancy Isenberg has shown that America was never a meritocracy, but a hierarchy of humiliation. Richard Slotkin reminds us that its founding mythology rests on redemptive violence. And Alexander Hinton teaches that genocide does not begin with bombs, but with silence.

Gaza is not an aberration. It is a mirror. And in that mirror, young America no longer sees empire — it sees its moral ruin.

Yet even fractured, the country is still crossed by currents of resistance: lucid intellectuals, principled journalists, visionary artists. But these voices remain scattered, uncoordinated.

Across from them, the conservatives know how to lock down the narrative, dictate the agenda, and occupy the space.

The war in Gaza did not only redraw a map. It revealed a generational rupture. A young, educated, connected, critical America is rising. And it speaks a language the political elite no longer understands.

– Mohamed El Mokhtar Sidi Haiba is a social and political analyst, whose research interest is focused on African and Middle Eastern Affairs. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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3. Deporting Dissent: The Dangerous Precedent Set by the Persecution of Pro-Palestine Activists

By Ramzy Baroud  

While US activists advocating for justice in Palestine deserve unwavering support and defense for their profound courage and humanity, Americans must also recognize that they, and the remnants of their democracy, are equally at risk.

"Rights are granted to those who align with power," Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate student, eloquently wrote from his cell. This poignant statement came soon after a judge ruled that the government had met the legal threshold to deport the young activist on the nebulous ground of "foreign policy".

"For the poor, for people of color, for those who resist injustice, rights are but words written on water," Khalil further lamented. The plight of this young man, whose sole transgression appears to be his participation in the nationwide mobilization to halt the Israeli genocide in Gaza, should terrify all Americans. This concern should extend even to those who are not inclined to join any political movement and possess no particular sympathy for – or detailed knowledge of – the extent of the Israeli atrocities in Gaza, or the United States' role in bankrolling this devastating conflict.

The perplexing nature of the case against Khalil, like those against other student activists, including Turkish visa holder Rümeysa Öztürk, starkly indicates that the issue is purely political. Its singular aim appears to be the silencing of dissenting political voices.

Judge Jamee E. Comans, who concurred with the Trump Administration's decision to deport Khalil, cited "foreign policy" in an uncritical acceptance of the language employed by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Rubio had previously written to the court, citing "potentially serious foreign policy consequences" stemming from Khalil's actions, which he characterized as participation in "disruptive activities" and "anti-Semitic protests".

The latter accusation has become the reflexive rejoinder to any form of criticism leveled against Israel, a tactic prevalent even long before the current catastrophic genocide in Gaza.

Those who might argue that US citizens remain unaffected by the widespread US government crackdowns on freedom of expression must reconsider. On April 14, the government decided to freeze $2.2 billion in federal funding to the University of Harvard.

Beyond the potential weakening of educational institutions and their impact on numerous Americans, these financial measures also coincide with a rapidly accelerating and alarming trend of targeting dissenting voices within the US, reaching unprecedented extents. On April 14, Massachusetts immigration lawyer Nicole Micheroni, a US citizen, publicly disclosed receiving a message from the Department of Homeland Security requesting her self-deportation.

Furthermore, new oppressive bills are under consideration in Congress, granting the Department of Treasury expansive measures to shut down community organizations, charities, and similar entities under various pretenses and without adhering to standard constitutional legal procedures.

Many readily conclude that these measures reflect Israel's profound influence on US domestic politics and the significant ability of the Israel lobby in Washington DC to interfere with the very democratic fabric of the US, whose Constitution's First Amendment guarantees freedom of speech and assembly.

While there is much truth in that conclusion, the narrative extends beyond the complexities of the Israel-Palestine issue.

For many years, individuals, predominantly academics, who championed Palestinian rights were subjected to trials or even deported, based on "secret evidence". This essentially involved a legal practice that amalgamated various acts, such as the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA) and the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), among others, to silence those critical of US foreign policy.

Although some civil rights groups in the US challenged the selective application of law to stifle dissent, the matter hardly ignited a nationwide conversation regarding the authorities' violations of fundamental democratic norms, such as due process (Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments).

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, however, much of that legal apparatus was applied to all Americans in the form of the PATRIOT Act. This legislation broadened the government's authority to employ surveillance, including electronic communications, and other intrusive measures.

Subsequently, it became widely known that even social media platforms were integrated into government surveillance efforts. Recent reports have even suggested that the government mandated social media screening for all U.S. visa applicants who have traveled to the Gaza Strip since January 1, 2007.

In pursuing these actions, the US government is effectively replicating some of the draconian measures imposed by Israel on the Palestinians. The crucial distinction, based on historical experience, is that these measures tend to undergo continuous evolution, establishing legal precedents that swiftly apply to all Americans and further compromise their already deteriorating democracy.

Americans are already grappling with their perception of their democratic institutions, with a disturbingly high number of 72 percent, according to a Pew Research Center survey in April 2024, believing that US democracy is no longer a good example for other countries to follow.

The situation has only worsened in the past year. While US activists advocating for justice in Palestine deserve unwavering support and defense for their profound courage and humanity, Americans must also recognize that they, and the remnants of their democracy, are equally at risk.

"Our defense is in the preservation of the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere," is the timeless quote associated with Abraham Lincoln. Yet, every day that Mahmoud Khalil and others spend in their cells, awaiting deportation, stands as the starkest violation of that very sentiment. Americans must not permit this injustice to persist.

– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is "Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out". Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

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4. Iran and the United States: Nuclear Argy Bargy, Propaganda, and the Politics of Power

By Dr. M. Reza Behnam

"Those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities." –  Voltaire, Enlightenment author and philosopher (1694-1778)

Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the United States and Israel have been zealous in their efforts to disempower it. Israel has used its powerful hasbara (propaganda) machine to peddle absurdities about Tehran as a nuclear threat to the region and the world.

For refusing to bend to US-Israeli demands to abandon the Palestinian cause and for standing against their hegemonic plans for the region, Iran has been the target of the most restrictive economic sanctions in history and under perpetual threat of military intervention.

Like any sovereign nation, Iran has the right to defend itself. Nuclear weapons are a security guarantee that Iran has not sought. Unlike Israel and the United States, it has not threatened nor bombed, invaded or occupied its neighbors. However, after Israeli air strikes in April and October 2024 and continued US threats, Iran has had no choice but to adopt its long-held nuclear doctrine, which regards weapons of mass destruction against Islam.

In a civilized conflict-free world, there would be no need for weapons, nuclear or otherwise. Unfortunately for some countries, like Iran, possessing nuclear weapons may become a necessary tool for survival. For others, like the United States and Israel, the ghastly weapons are used as cudgels to bully countries into submission.

It is important to establish that the US intelligence community—the collective work of America's 18 spy organizations—has determined that Iran is not developing nuclear weapons. It stated as much in its "Annual Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community" 2024 report: "Iran is not currently undertaking the key nuclear weapons development activities necessary to produce a testable nuclear device." Previous reports have also stated that Iran's military doctrine is defensive and its nuclear program is meant to build negotiating leverage and to respond to perceived international pressure.

The question then becomes why it is that the nuclear issue is front and center when the United States does engage with Iran, and why has its program, in existence for more than four decades and intended for civilian energy/scientific purposes, been so falsely represented.

Demonizing Iran has served the imperial interests of the United States and its military outpost Israel in the Middle East. Through the well financed aggressive propaganda efforts of Israeli lobby groups like the tactically benign sounding American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), Tel Aviv has been successful in selling Washington, the corporate media and the American public on the provocative idea that Iran is a threat to it, the region and the United States.

The narrative about Iran and its nuclear objectives is replete with myths and distortions. US foreign policy decisions have been largely framed to protect and secure Israeli interests, often to the detriment of America's own.

A fettered Iran allows Israel unchallenged regional supremacy. Like former US administrations, the Trump White House, in collaboration with Israel and its Arab allies, is determined to strip Iran of its revolutionary identity and undermine its regional clout.

Iran has legitimate security interests and concerns, fully aware that it is the primary target of Israel's military and nuclear arsenal. A 2025 Arms Control Association report reveals that Israel—the only nuclear weapons power in the Middle East—has an estimated 90 nuclear warheads with sophisticated delivery systems in its inventory, as well as the fissile material stockpiles for at least 200 nuclear weapons.

Iran, on the other hand, is a threshold state. To achieve the weaponization stage, it would need to enrich uranium to 90 percent purity, weaponize the fissile material, and develop the delivery systems. None have been done.

Unlike Israel, Iran is a signatory to the 1968 UN Non-Proliferation Treaty. As such, it is prohibited from developing, acquiring or using nuclear weapons, although it does have the right to manufacture and enrich uranium for peaceful purposes. In addition, Iran's leaders have vigorously pursued the establishment of a nuclear weapons-free zone for the region.

There are a number of rational reasons for the Islamic Republic to go down the road toward acquiring nuclear weapons; principally, self-defense.

Former Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak (2007-2013), in his memoirs, for example, reveals that the regime of then Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came close to attacking Iran at least three times between 2010 and 2012. Barak stated that he and Netanyahu had pushed for military operations against Iranian facilities, but they backed down after opposition from their top security officials.

Barak also discloses that he disagreed with Netanyahu that Iran's nuclear program posed an existential threat to Israel. He was instead more concerned about the regional balance of power.

Some in Iran's political class, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, suspect that the United States, Israel and their Arab allies are intent on overthrowing the Islamic Republic. Recent history confirms their suspicions.

They point to crippling economic sanctions, covert operations, cyber attacks, assassination of nuclear scientists and military personnel, missile attacks and sabotage of gas pipelines and military sites.

In July 2022, for example, during a visit to Israel, President Joe Biden signed a pledge to never allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon and to "…use all elements of its national power to ensure that outcome."

It is with that pledge and President Trump's ultimatums that the United States has entered a new round of nuclear talks with Iran, currently underway. Strangely enough, it was Trump, encouraged by Netanyahu, who pulled out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear agreement in 2018 and imposed heavier "maximum pressure" sanctions, believing that economic hardships would drive Iranians to topple the government.

Before the recent nuclear meetings began in early April, Trump threatened: "If they [Iran] don't make a deal, there will be bombing. It will be bombing the likes of which they have never seen before." In a show of force, in addition to two aircraft carriers in the Red Sea, the White House has deployed a squadron of fighter jets, stealth bombers, air defenses and large quantities of weapons to the Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia.

Also, Netanyahu, incapable of remaining silent, sounded off, saying that the only nuclear deal Israel would accept would have Iran agreeing to eliminate its entire program. He further elaborated: "We go in, blow up the facilities and dismantle all the equipment, under American supervision and execution."

The Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, reported (April 17, 2025) that Netanyahu recently sought the US administration's support to conduct joint commando and air strikes on Iranian nuclear sites. Trump, however, vetoed the plan while discussions with Tehran are ongoing. Netanyahu is clearly intent on derailing the negotiations to ensure that there will never be rapprochement between the US and Iran.

Except for a short interval during the Obama administration, when Iran and the P5+1 countries (China, France, Russia, U.K., US plus Germany) finalized the       JCPOA in 2015, the United States has leaned on a muscular military policy and has never been serious about engaging cooperatively with Iran. It has, however, been serious about ensuring Israel's hegemony in the region.

President Obama's "new dawn for the Middle East" included moving away from years of failed policies, particularly "Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," a 1996 initiative pushed by pro-Israel stalwarts and advanced during the George W. Bush administration.

Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, Bush and Netanyahu set in motion the aggressive goals documented in "Clean Break" to contain, destabilize, and overthrow governments that challenged US-Israeli hegemony. Plans were drafted for military action against seven countries, starting with Iraq, then Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. All but Iran have been destabilized and/or balkanized.

Even though the relationship between Obama and Netanyahu was often strained, Obama's actual record in office makes him one of the most pro-Israel presidents since Harry S. Truman.

The scale of Israel's barbarity in Gaza and the Occupied Palestinian Territories and its insatiable addiction to expansion and power forewarns Iran and other actors in the Middle East that they must be vigilant in their defense to survive.

Netanyahu's jingoistic vision of Zionist Israeli supremacy has never changed. Ten years ago, he bluntly told an Israeli parliamentary committee that there could never be peace with the Palestinians: "I'm asked if we will forever live by the sword," and I say "yes."

Israel may not be visibly present at the nuclear negotiating table, but its influence over the outcome is, however, palpable and discernible.

What Washington and Tel Aviv fail to understand is that they are dealing with a politically astute country that deserves the respect it demands as a nation that has resisted colonizers and colonization throughout its 5,000-year history in West Asia.

No amount of absurdities—American or Israeli—can change that reality.

– Dr. M. Reza Behnam is a political scientist specializing in the history, politics and governments of the Middle East. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

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5. Forgive Me, Gaza: Humanity Has Not Learned from Its Sins

By Jamal Kanj

Dear people of Gaza, forgive them if you once believed humanity had learned from the sins of African enslavement, the genocide of Indigenous peoples, and the European Holocaust. I repent, Gaza, if you believed that "Never Again" included you.

I write, forgive me, not forgive us, because this guilt is deeply personal. It's a burden I carry in the comfort of my home, sipping clean water while the children of Gaza drink from brine water wells mixed in sewage—their small bodies wracked with dehydration and disease—if they even find water at all.

I can pluck wild mallow leaves from my backyard—not to satisfy hunger, but for the luxury of a healthy diet. I'm guilty of throwing away leftovers, when fathers and mothers in Gaza search through the rubble of demolished homes for a can of food that might have survived an Israeli bomb.

Or they dare to crawl through cratered fields, scavenging for wild greens to silence their children's growling stomachs—only to become moving targets under the cold gaze of Israeli drones.

Forgive me—I have a home, a heater, and blankets to keep my children warm. While in Gaza, parents lie awake—not just from the cold, but from the torment of being unable to warm their children's tiny, freezing feet.

Forgive me when I kiss my daughter on her birthday and her laughter rings in my ears—while only the buzzing of Israeli drones rings in yours. She blows out her candles in a breath of joy, while you light a candle to push back the darkness, wheezing for air in a world that denies you breath.

I can hold my daughter, while you can't even retrieve yours from beneath the rubble—can't gather enough of her remains for one final embrace. American-made Israeli bombs scattered her flesh like sand in the wind, leaving you empty, aching with grief and dust.

Your hospitals, doctors, medics, and first responders who chose their professions to save lives—but became targets, because saving a Palestinian life is deemed an existential threat for Israel. I beg forgiveness from every journalist whose words to expose war crimes became bullets, and whose cameras were more dangerous to Israel than cannons.

Forgive the world that calls your starvation, the destruction of schools and universities—and the murder of your educators—Israel's "self-defense."

Dear people of Gaza, forgive them if you once believed humanity had learned from the sins of African enslavement, the genocide of Indigenous peoples, and the European Holocaust. I repent, Gaza, if you believed that "Never Again" included you.

I'm sorry that the progeny of the victims of "Never Again" have organized under the agency of ADL, AIPAC, and Political Zionism to kosher a genocide—carried out in the name of Judaism. "Never Again" is not for everyone, dear Gaza; it is only for the white West and the self-chosen.

The ideological antisemites are now Israel's closest allies. Today, "antisemite" no longer means those who hate Jews, but it is those who protest Israeli genocide. "Never Again" is monopolized by the professional victims—licensed by a god using past European cruelty to justify present Israeli injustice in Palestine.

I'm sorry, Gaza, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has betrayed you. Instead of shielding you, it became an arm of your oppressor. When the refugee camps of Jenin, Nur Shams, and Balata rose to support you, they faced not just Israeli force, but PA bullets and batons. And in cities and towns that didn't rebel, the PA still failed to protect them from Jewish settler rampages—burning homes and groves, killing livestock, and shooting farmers.

Forgive me, Gaza, for believing in the illusion of Arab unity—that you were part of a greater Arab nation. That the rulers of Cairo, Amman, Damascus, Baghdad, Riyadh, and others would rise for you. I believed we shared a common pain, a common struggle. I believed the Arab world would never let you starve. I was wrong.

Instead, they became part of your siege. Rafah is sealed not only by Israeli soldiers but by Egyptian concrete walls and watchtowers. Arab dictators shake hands with those who bomb your hospitals. Rulers from the rich Arab Gulf buy Israeli technology—tested first on your neighborhoods.

Forgive me, Gaza, for believing the rulers who betrayed Palestine in 1948 would ever defend you. Like their ancestors who opened the gates to the Crusaders 900 years ago—trading Palestinian blood for their survival—they do so again today.

History repeats itself, Gaza. The same kings and emirs who welcomed invaders then, embrace Israel now—gorging themselves on roasted camels while your children wither from hunger. Their capitals glow with the lights of music festivals, while Gaza's nights are set ablaze by the flares of American-made 2,000-pound bombs.

To the Arab tyrants who still bow to their colonial masters, I say: the European Crusaders did not spare your ancestors once they conquered Palestine. They turned their swords on the very rulers who helped them, devouring their mini kingdoms one by one.

I'm sorry, Gaza, that when the people of Yemen stood for you—blocking shipments to an Israeli port to demand food for your children—their own children were murdered in an Israeli-American proxy war. Like yours, their suffering is silent, and their pain earns no headlines.

Forgive me that only the Lebanese Resistance—unyielding under Israeli bombardment—steadfast, while other Arabs profited from your agony. Yemen and the Lebanese Resistance sought not applause, but to let you know you are not alone. Though the Arab world and much of humanity turned their backs, they did not waver. Yemen and the Lebanese Resistance traded neither dignity nor principle with the forces of evil.

Gaza, your blood is a mirror the world dares not face. But I will not look away.

Forgive me for my helplessness.

Forgive me for every sip of water, every bite of food, every breath I take while you suffocate.

Forgive me, if those I met in Gaza years ago ever thought I'd forgotten them.

Forgive me if I couldn't help everyone who asked.

Forgive my comfort.

Forgive my peace.

I seek not your absolution—

Only that you know:

You are not forgotten.

– Jamal Kanj is the author of "Children of Catastrophe," Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Arab world issues for various national and international commentaries. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle

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6. South Africa and Palestine’s Struggle: Seven Takeaways from FloodGate Interview with Na’eem Jeenah

By Romana Rubeo  

Na'eem Jeenah draws parallels between South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle and Palestine's fight against Israeli occupation, highlighting seven key insights.

In the latest episode of the FloodGate podcast, Ramzy Baroud and I delved into the intricacies of South Africa's foreign policy with Na'eem Jeenah, veteran anti-apartheid activist and leading voice in the South Africa–Palestine solidarity movement.

Below are seven main takeaways from the interview.

1. Relations with the United States

The expulsion of South Africa's ambassador to the US, Ibrahim Rasul, served as a focal point in the discussion. Jeenah contended that this incident reflected US attitudes towards South Africa more than it did Rasool's qualifications or actions.

"Frankly, it doesn't matter who South Africa sends as an ambassador to the United States. The treatment he or she will receive will be the same — well, maybe it might be a little different if the person is white and Afrikaner — but the treatment will generally be the same. And the reason for that is that this is not about Ibrahim Rasool; this is about South Africa."

"South Africa is in the American crosshairs," Jeenah.

2. Evolving Relationship with Palestine

Jeenah outlined an evolution in South Africa's relationship with Palestine post-apartheid. Initially, South Africa aimed for a mediating role between Israelis and Palestinians.

However, significant developments, including Hamas' electoral victory, necessitated a shift towards actively supporting a wider array of Palestinian voices beyond the traditional Palestinian Authority.

This change underscored increasing grassroots support and advocacy for Palestinian rights within South Africa, contrasting sharply with some Arab states that were normalizing ties with Israel.

According to Jeenah, "there were two things that also happened in the ANC. One was: there started being a discussion about — even though the official government position was that, you know, that we take a position that is a multilateral one, etc., and hence we support a two-state solution — is a government position. But within the ANC there was talk about, 'Well, we should start talking about a one-state solution. Is it something that we should be supporting?'"

3. Maturity in Foreign Policy

The current South African government's approach was marked by a profound solidarity with Palestinian struggles against colonialism, indicative of a matured foreign policy stance.

Jeenah posited that this assertiveness in promoting Palestinian rights stemmed from an acknowledgment of the importance of empowering all political movements.

"What South Africa should be doing is not trying to rehash this mediation nonsense that South Africa's role is to support Palestinians in the struggle um against Israeli apartheid, colonialism and occupation, and one way of doing that is to bring Palestinian groups together," he said.

4. Role of International Law

The interview tackled South Africa's distinctive position on the world stage as an advocate for Palestinian rights while criticizing the inconsistencies in US foreign policy.

Jeenah discussed the role of international law and its historical bias towards Northern states, expressing concern over how this affected the Global South.

Despite South Africa's symbolic significance in Palestine's struggle, its actual impact had been limited in terms of mass mobilization compared to other countries.

"International law has kind of been and was designed as the preserve for northern states, for European states, essentially," he said.

"And they were talking about the rules of war, and international law, as it later developed into the so-called 'rules-based order' after the Second World War—all of these things were meant to regulate how European nations or nations of the global north related to each other. It wasn't meant for 'uncivilized' people. Uncivilized people were just meant to be put in their place."

"Now, for South Africa, we, you know, have always, from 1994, insisted there must be a reform of the international system, there must be multilateralism, and international law applies to us all. In 2023, this came to a head. This was an opportunity to say this properly on the global stage—that international law and the international legal system are ours too, that we can also use it," Jeenah concluded.

FloodGate Hosts Na'eem Jeenah: The Untold Story of South Africa's Solidarity with Palestine

5. South Africa and the Global South

Post-2023, South African organizations supporting Palestine, such as South African Jews for Free Palestine, had seen increased engagement.

Jeenah acknowledged South Africa's foundational reliance on U.S. trade but also noted the country's growing independence through alliances like BRICS.

He recognized economic vulnerabilities resulting from potential US aid withdrawal.

"South Africa is vulnerable mainly because our economy is not as strong as we would like it to be. Our main challenges for years now are the level of inequality in South Africa, the deepening poverty," he said.

"So, these are very strong developmental challenges, very deep. We have an economy that's not able to deal with these in the next few years, and we have to work on that. So, from that perspective, South Africa is vulnerable. Right? But at the same time, South Africa is less vulnerable than many other states," he said, arguing that support for Palestine strengthened South Africa's ties within the Global South.

6. Resistance and Anti-Apartheid Parallels

Jeenah sharply critiqued Western narratives that misrepresented the anti-apartheid struggle, advocating for a multi-faceted understanding of resistance.

He drew parallels between South African and Palestinian experiences of oppression, affirming that international law justified resistance against colonialism by any means necessary.

"I would get these young Zionists, who were not even born, some of them, in 1994, who would say things like, you know, 'If only the Palestinians followed Mandela's example and engaged in peaceful…' (…) For God's sake, don't insult Mandela!" he said.

"And I often say, you know, my brother, when he was found dead on the streets in Durban, he wasn't lying there with a banner that said, 'Peaceful resistance.' There was an AK-47 next to his body. So don't insult my brother either!"

"This notion that South Africa won our liberation through—and it was very clean and peaceful, and no… No, Mandela wasn't Gandhi. Mandela was arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment because he was the founder of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of the ANC, not because he carried a white banner," he concluded.

South Africa Stands Firm: Ramaphosa Urges End to Genocide in Gaza

7. Solidarity Movement and Future Steps

Acknowledging current hurdles in African solidarity with Palestine due to geopolitical complexities and internal conflicts among African nations, Jeenah stressed the potential to utilize existing human rights frameworks to challenge injustices.

He called for proactive measures from the South African solidarity movement, including halting coal exports to Israel and holding accountable South African citizens participating in the Israeli military. He urged the South African government to adopt a more robust stance in support of Palestine.

"In terms of trade, so after Colombia stopped exporting coal to Israel, South Africa is now the largest exporter of coal to Israel. Right, that needs to stop. I mean, we are energizing, really, the genocide in some ways, right? That needs to stop," Jeenah said.

"The other area is that, as I said earlier on, we have the Jewish community in South Africa, the most Zionist community in the world, outside of Israel, right? And so, as part of that, a number of young South African Jews and others go to Israel to fight in the occupation forces. Many of them have made videos of themselves now, during the genocide. They need to be prosecuted when they come back to South Africa."

"These two are big things that the South African government needs to do. Moving beyond all the plaudits that it receives for the ICJ case, domestically, this needs to happen for the government to say clearly that we are on the side of right in terms of international law and in terms of domestic law," Jeenah concluded.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Romana Rubeo is an Italian writer and the managing editor of The Palestine Chronicle. Her articles appeared in many online newspapers and academic journals. She holds a Master's Degree in Foreign Languages and Literature and specializes in audio-visual and journalism translation.

The post South Africa and Palestine's Struggle: Seven Takeaways from FloodGate Interview with Na'eem Jeenah appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

7. FIFA’s Sideline: Why the World Football Body isn’t Punishing Israel

By Issam Khalidi

Despite compelling evidence of violations against Palestinian sports, FIFA's prolonged inaction and delayed decisions suggest a reluctance to hold Israel accountable.

A Palestinian Football Association proposal was submitted to the FIFA Congress in May 2024. It called for Israel to be held accountable for violations of Palestinian sports rights and expelled from FIFA for its actions. 

As a result of this proposal, FIFA rejected the Palestinian Football Association's request for an immediate vote on expelling Israel, on the grounds that an independent legal assessment of the proposal would have to take place. The FIFA Council was to review that assessment in July 2024.

However, there have been several postponements, and the FIFA Council meeting was eventually pushed back to October 3, 2024.

A FIFA Disciplinary Committee decided to launch an investigation into the "alleged" discrimination offense raised by the Palestine Football Association in its complaint. To investigate the issue of Israeli football teams "allegedly" based on Palestinian territory participating in Israeli competitions, FIFA's Governance, Audit and Compliance Committee was entrusted with the task of producing a report for the FIFA Council on the matter.

However, to this day, FIFA has not released a report on this issue and has not issued a statement. A year later, and just a month away from FIFA's Congress in Paraguay, still no ruling has been made.

Inside World Football reported that on the eve of the UEFA Congress in Belgrade, Serbia, the PFA wrote to UEFA President Alexander Ceferin and General Secretary Theodore Theodoridis to draw attention to the longstanding problem of Israeli settlement clubs in the West Bank, which is not part of Israel according to various UNSC resolutions, the International Court of Justice, and international law.

The letter reads:

 "It is not just that these territories do not belong to the country of Israel in international law – they also do not belong to Israel FA under European or global football regulations. Israel FA never received an authorization from UEFA, Palestine FA, AFC and FIFA, all of which are required under Art 65 of the FIFA Statutes to incorporate clubs located on the Palestinian territory into Israeli leagues."

This note follows an earlier letter to FIFA. The PFA wants the FIFA Congress to compel the organization's Governance, Audit and Compliance Committee (GACC) to conclude their investigation into settlement clubs so that FIFA can move toward a decision. The world governing body will stage their annual congress in Asunción, Paraguay, in May.

In April of this year, the Asian Football Confederation called on FIFA to speed up its ruling on Palestine's Israeli complaint, filed a year ago. The PFA's complaint covers the IFA's support for military action in Gaza and the West Bank, the inclusion of six clubs from illegally built settlements on West Bank land in local competitions, and the systematic targeting of Palestinians, which has resulted in the deaths of more than 582 athletes, including 270 football players. More than 286 sports facilities in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank have also been destroyed.

As we have become accustomed to the West's attitude toward the genocide in Gaza, this procrastination by FIFA does not come as a surprise to us at all. This can be seen as nothing more than a manifestation of double standards, hypocrisy, unconditional support for Israel, and a reward for its genocidal war. 

It is ironic, to say the least, and a direct result of FIFA's double standards. In addition, by staying silent about the genocide and taking a neutral stance, FIFA is effectively complicit in the crime. It was expected that FIFA would take a final decision directly when the Palestinian Football Association requested a vote to expel Israel from FIFA in May 2024. In any case, this should not have been delayed for more than 2–3 months after the FIFA Congress—without any postponement, excuses, or procrastination.

FIFA does not appear to intend to take a harsh stance regarding Israel's expulsion, nor does it seem willing to take a firm position on the six settlement clubs participating in the Israeli league. 

This is especially true considering that FIFA President Gianni Infantino has shown affection for Trump in recent months—Trump, who constantly brags that there has never been a president of the United States who has been as good to Israel as he has. Obviously, FIFA's rapprochement with the Trump administration is intended to curry favor with the administration and prevent exposure of FIFA's corruption in the future.

In an article published by FairSquare, it was stated that Infantino was swept to power in the aftermath of a series of corruption scandals that finally removed Sepp Blatter from the FIFA presidency after 17 years.

 "We will restore the image of FIFA and the respect of FIFA. And everyone in the world will applaud us," Infantino told FIFA delegates in 2016 upon assuming the presidency.

The truth is, he hasn't changed a thing for the better, and the ease with which the world's strongmen have drawn him into their sphere of influence is transforming FIFA from simply a corrupt organization into a profoundly dangerous one.

It is shameful and unfortunate that there has not been any contact between FIFA and the administrations of the destroyed clubs in Gaza. FIFA has not released any statements condemning the destruction of the sports infrastructure or the killing of Palestinian athletes as a result of the genocide.

The silence of FIFA may be related to a phenomenon that Ilan Pappé described in a recent article he wrote for Palestine Chronicle, which he referred to as moral panic:

 "Moral panic is a situation in which a person is afraid of adhering to his or her own moral convictions because this would demand some courage that might have consequences. We are not always tested in situations that require courage, or at least integrity. When it does happen, it is in situations where morality is not an abstract idea but a call for action."

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What is occurring within FIFA, the West, and across much of the world is in fact a phenomenon of distorted moral behavior—in other words, the death of international moral standards. It is time for the international community to recognize this reality.

The Palestinian cause has become one of the most important compass points for determining the moral status of countries and institutions around the globe. As a result of the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, any remaining doubt that the West is utterly racist and utterly hypocritical has been removed—if there was ever any doubt to begin with.

If FIFA were truly concerned and sincere about football worldwide—if it truly wanted football to serve humanity and if it truly respected and obeyed its statutes—it would have at least issued a statement condemning the destruction of sports infrastructure and the killing machine Israel has unleashed upon the Palestinian people. 

FIFA does not seem to respect the rules and regulations it has enshrined in its own constitution. Rather than bragging about democracy, equality, and human rights, FIFA needs to enact them in reality, not just in rhetoric.

The genocide in Gaza has been a disaster on many levels: infrastructure, the economic system, health, education, the social fabric, and the athletic system. It is also about the hopes, ambitions, and aspirations of Palestinians. In essence, it is a deliberate attempt to erase the past, the present, and the future of an entire people.

Many athletes, including professional players, are desperate about their futures. Their primary concern is to stay alive and secure food and water for themselves and their families. Over the past year and a half, they have been displaced multiple times in the Gaza Strip.

According to 27-year-old Ghassan Abu Odeh, a football player for the Ittihad Al-Shuja'iyya Club in Gaza City, Ghassan stated the following in an interview with Nelly Al-Masri:

 "I never imagined digging a grave to bury my friend. It was one of the hardest things I've ever been through in my life. When we played at my family's club in Beit Hanoun, he was always there like my shadow. We had some great times together. We were always together, however, now he is departed forever."

Saeb Jundiya, a member of the selection department of the Palestinian Football Association for the southern governorates, who supervises the age groups of the Olympic, youth, and junior teams under the supervision of the Olympic, youth, and junior coaches, said:

"I left behind some of my most precious memories, the most beautiful days of my life, and the warm memories I held dear, as well as my medals, my club and Palestinian national team shirts, all my belongings, and even my identification cards. Unfortunately, I was not able to take them with me. In the area where I lived, the occupation destroyed everything that was left. Then it was impossible to return."

The Palestinian professional football player Suleiman Al-Abeed stands on the ruins, contemplating his longing for the past, as he says:

"I have no memories left. I hoped to get back home within days. It was with great sadness that I had to leave my personal belongings, my Palestinian national team jerseys that I had worn for ten years, my club jerseys that I played for, the Khadamat Al-Shati' Club—the mother club—as well as the transfer to the Gaza Sports Club and my professional work at the Al-Am'ari Club in Ramallah, the West Bank, that I had been involved in for the past five years. Along with medals, cups, and individual awards, as well as sportswear. This consisted of 75 sports sets, and the computer which contains all of my goals and my sports career. Now I'm lost on the Internet looking for photos of myself to keep."

"I never imagined that my feet, with which I kicked the ball on grassy fields and scored goals, would walk on a bridge of human flesh that died in war raids. The occupation made a bridge out of the martyrs' flesh and organs, and covered it with sand. When my family and I walked, it felt like a Hollywood horror movie." A sarcastic smile covered his features as he said: "I am still alive."

– Issam Khalidi is an independent scholar, is the author of History of Sports in Palestine 1900-1948 (in Arabic), One Hundred Years of Football in Palestine (in Arabic and English), co-edited  Soccer in the Middle East, as well as articles and essays on the subject of sports included at www.hpalestinesports.net. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post FIFA's Sideline: Why the World Football Body isn't Punishing Israel appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

8. Hezbollah’s Resurgence: The Era of Sheikh Naim Qassem?

By Robert Inlakesh

After a period of uncertainty, Hezbollah's latest address signals a renewed commitment to its original goals, suggesting a more assertive future under its new leadership.

Hezbollah's Secretary General, Sheikh Naim Qassem, delivered what was perhaps his most important speech to date late last week. The address indicated that the Lebanese resistance group had not collapsed and has been slowly rebuilding its capabilities with the goal of confronting Israeli aggression.

After months of debate surrounding the direction that Hezbollah was heading, its leader, Sheikh Naim Qassem, has finally answered everyone's questions. Many analysts previously speculated that the Lebanese Party was going to hand over its weapons, or at least integrate its forces into Lebanon's national army. The chances of this happening now appear slim.

The Speech

When Sheikh Naim Qassem first took over as Secretary General of Hezbollah in October of 2024, his speeches were a far cry from the confident and powerful addresses of his predecessor, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah. Sheikh Qassem was visually shaken by the position in which he and his organisation were put, especially as the second in line to take over as Secretary General, Hashem Saffiedine, had been assassinated.

Even following the Lebanon-Israel ceasefire on November 27, Sheikh Qassem's speeches did not properly address the public's concerns under such dire conditions. Put in an impossible position as a Hezbollah leader, he claimed that his group had achieved a victory even greater than Lebanon's triumph over Israel in 2006.   

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Technically, the mere fact that Hezbollah had managed to not only survive but also fight a two-month-long war while preventing significant Israeli ground advances into southern Lebanon and continually launching new waves of previously unrevealed missiles and drones, did amount to a significant achievement in the Party's history.

However, the language of "victory" did not sit well with many, especially given the immense losses suffered. This then contributed to the idea that Hezbollah was trying to cover up the disintegration of the Party.

In later speeches, Sheikh Qassem would go on to address all the relevant points of the conversation piece by piece, admitting to losses, while explaining that in other areas the group had managed to score historic achievements.

Then, last Thursday, in a speech that was originally intended to be delivered earlier but was postponed due to Israeli airstrikes, Sheikh Qassem gave an address that nobody was expecting in terms of its energy and firm stances.

Near the beginning of the speech, he announced that there were two primary categories of obligations that the resistance group adheres to: The first being its religious considerations, and the second being its national considerations.

Sheikh Qassem stated clearly that under its religious obligations, which govern its course, the group is not only committed to liberating Lebanon but also occupied Palestine. He made it clear that on the question of national considerations, the Party aligns with all Lebanese, yet on the religious obligations, they are set apart.   

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The way in which the Hezbollah leader spoke about the conflict was perhaps the most radical that we have heard yet. He talked about how the course of every struggle between a liberation movement and an oppressive occupier consists of various confrontations before a final war of liberation.

He also explained to the Lebanese people that Israel had committed over 2,700 violations of the ceasefire since its implementation in November, while stating that the goals of the leadership in Tel Aviv are to occupy a large portion of Lebanon, with the aim of building illegal settlements on it and additionally to strip the Palestinian population of their refugee status.   

In addition to this, Sheikh Qassem asserted that Israel does not need an excuse to attack Lebanon and that the Lebanese Army will not defend the nation's sovereignty. He therefore stated that Hezbollah is a resistance force whose weapons are solely for confronting the Israeli occupier and will never lay down its arms under any circumstances.   

Another point that the speech clarified was that talks between Hezbollah and the Lebanese State regarding security arrangements will have nothing to do with integration into Lebanon's Army, nor disarmament. Pointing to "a certain Party" that seeks to drag Lebanon into a civil war in order to serve Israeli interests, the Hezbollah Secretary General did not name the Party or its leader, yet it was clear he was talking about Samir Geagea and the Lebanese Forces Party.

Furthermore, he stressed that Hezbollah is practicing strategic patience and will only enter a war at a time of its choosing, rather than fighting under conditions imposed upon it. Another point he made was that the Israelis are also calculating, and if they were in total control, they would have launched a larger war by now.

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After Nasrallah

On September 27, 2024, the assassination of Hezbollah's Secretary General, Sayed Hassan Nasrallah, shook the group to its core. This, combined with the assassination of most of the Party's top leadership and the indiscriminate pager attack, only 10 days earlier, greatly impacted the ability of Hezbollah to function.   

Following this, not only did the group have to attempt to restructure, root out spies within its ranks, and find alternative means of communication, but it also had to face an Israeli invasion from land, air, and sea.

Despite the murder of nearly 3,000 people across Lebanon, the majority of whom were civilians, in addition to the heavy blows dealt to its high and middle command, Hezbollah not only managed to survive but also prevented the Israeli military from successfully achieving the goals of their land incursion.

The group's regular fighters, alongside allied Palestinian armed groups, the most prominent of which was the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), managed to foil various operations carried out inside southern Lebanon. In the end, even Israel's Egoz special forces units were not capable of achieving their combat goals and were subjected to deadly ambushes.

However, despite the tenacity of Hezbollah's soldiers, the group was placed in its weakest ever position. It was clear that the death of Nasrallah was going to impact the collective morale in a way never witnessed before; after all, he was the guide to each and every supporter of Hezbollah's struggle against occupation. His speeches were not only insightful but provided the people with a sense of security and purpose in whatever the issue of the day was.

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Suddenly, after seemingly always being there, the speeches as well as the leader himself were gone. This left a sense of emptiness in the hearts and minds of Hezbollah's supporters in Lebanon, and it also caused a feeling of disbelief in the idea of victory. Still today, as we near six months since Nasrallah's passing, many Lebanese Shia households and beyond are still in mourning. One Hezbollah supporter from South Lebanon even told the Palestine Chronicle that "we cry every day; it is like the feeling of the loss of our Seyyed never goes away".

Notably, since the funeral of Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah in southern Beirut, for which over a million people showed up, Hezbollah has been continuing to mobilise its people and bring them to public gatherings. It is clear that they have also been rebuilding what was lost and restructuring their organisation.

Some prominent analysts have claimed that Israel was correct in saying that it destroyed the majority of Hezbollah's weapons arsenal, yet there has been no evidence to support these allegations. In fact, the way Hezbollah forces fought on the ground indicates that the group has access to a great abundance of weapons like anti-tank munitions and suicide drones. Also, Hezbollah's fighting force is estimated to be over 100,000 men strong, and those fighters have not been killed.   

Where Hezbollah will struggle is in acquiring precision missiles and air defense weapons, but in terms of drones and light weapons, they still have no issue in receiving them. Other areas where the group will be tested are in its leadership, intelligence, and communications.

Israel has spent most, if not all, of its most effective cards already. The breaches made into Hezbollah's communications network, along with the spies it used, are almost all exposed now, meaning that nearly two decades of intelligence work has been used, and it can be assumed that the means of infiltration will have to change.   

While Hezbollah was previously a regional actor whose moderation was dependable, the new incarnation of the group may prove very unpredictable, similar to Hamas in the Gaza Strip. This is not certain, but given the opportunity to launch a devastating military attack on the Israelis, the group could end up committing much greater assaults than Hezbollah would have ever even considered in the past.

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It is clear to anyone who speaks to people on the ground in Southern Lebanon that they feel the need for revenge and redemption after what has been done to them. While some 3,000 people who were murdered – primarily killed in South Lebanon, Dahiyeh [southern suburbs of Beirut], and the Bekaa Valley area – did not receive much attention in the media, it is important to put that death toll into perspective. This was the most deadly assault on the country since 1982.

If Sheikh Naim Qassem, who for the first time delivered a speech that rang with a similar confidence and conviction to those of his predecessor, is stating that liberating occupied Palestine is a goal for Hezbollah, then this should be taken seriously. At this time, it is difficult to tell, but it may just be that the Israeli decision to assassinate Sayed Hassan Nasrallah may only make Hezbollah a much more dangerous group to Israel's survival.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post Hezbollah's Resurgence: The Era of Sheikh Naim Qassem? appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

9. The Generals of Islamabad and Their Zionist Daydream

By Junaid S. Ahmad

Across campuses, mosques, and social platforms, a new generation is asking dangerous questions: Why must our foreign policy serve imperial interests? Why is our media allergic to speaking the truth about the occupation?

The generals in Islamabad—ever resplendent in starched uniforms and an exaggerated sense of self-importance—are once again casting furtive glances toward Tel Aviv. Their ambition? To inch closer to the sanctum of global approval, to gain access to the corridors of Zionist power and, perhaps, to be recognized as respectable players in an increasingly transactional world order. For a cadre so obsessed with "strategic depth," their diplomatic trajectory often resembles not strategy but supplication.

This is not merely a matter of curiosity or engagement. It reflects a deeper pathology: a blend of opportunism, insecurity, and postcolonial mimicry that has long defined Pakistan's military and bureaucratic elites. The push for normalization with Israel is not grounded in democratic deliberation or national interest. It is a top-down enterprise, cultivated in air-conditioned conference halls, Western think tank circuits, and discreet backchannel rendezvous in Gulf capitals—worlds apart from the lived experiences and moral sentiments of ordinary Pakistanis.

This infatuation isn't new. It reached farcical proportions during 2019–2020, when parts of the Pakistani media—habitually lethargic in covering domestic injustice, poverty, or state repression—suddenly became animated in their praise of Israeli technology, agriculture, and "shared democratic values." It felt as if some invisible editorial hand had descended from Mount Herzliya. The usual suspects—retired military officers, neoliberal commentators, and urbane NGO functionaries—rallied to declare normalization not only desirable but inevitable.

In the background, the Abraham Accords were being carefully choreographed by Washington and Tel Aviv, hailed as diplomatic breakthroughs while Arab autocracies were nudged, coaxed, or compelled into smiling photo ops. Yet the crown jewel—the real geostrategic trophy—was always Pakistan: nuclear-armed, Muslim-majority, and governed by elites perpetually craving Western validation.

Into this mix entered Pakistan's national security establishment with its preferred toolkit: coercion, manipulation, and an increasingly liberal-friendly vocabulary. Selling normalization to a deeply pro-Palestinian public required more than realpolitik. It required a narrative facelift. Enter the urban liberal intelligentsia—those fluent in the language of global capital and moral relativism—tasked with rebranding capitulation as "pragmatism." Dissent was recast not as a principled position, but as retrograde, anti-Semitic, or hostile to globalization.

This was more than disingenuous—it was insulting to public memory.

Because the Pakistani people had not forgotten. They had not forgotten Gaza, Jenin, or Sheikh Jarrah. They remembered the children buried under rubble, the olive groves torched by settlers, and the suffocating siege that has strangled Palestinian life for decades. No amount of cyber-startups or desalination plants can whitewash the realities of apartheid and occupation.

So when the state attempted to rebrand normalization as a path to modernity, the public called their bluff.

And, to the dismay of Rawalpindi's brass, Prime Minister Imran Khan refused to play along. Despite being ushered into power with the quiet blessing of the military, Khan demonstrated rare autonomy on the question of Israel. He repeatedly and unequivocally rejected normalization, citing the occupation of Palestinian territories and the moral imperative to support the oppressed.

Khan may not have articulated a comprehensive critique of Zionism or Western imperial structures, but he recognized a red line when he saw one. Under his administration, Pakistan upheld a principled stance: there would be no recognition of Israel so long as Palestinians remained besieged and stateless. In an age of transactional diplomacy, such a position was not only rare—it was radical.

Unsurprisingly, it unsettled more than just Islamabad's elite. It likely irked Washington, Tel Aviv, Riyadh, and Abu Dhabi—actors with whom Pakistan's military leadership had been quietly exploring "realignment" and "shared interests."

What followed bore the hallmarks of a political takedown. Khan was ousted, arrested, and prosecuted in a series of trials that many observers—domestic and international—have likened to kangaroo proceedings. He now languishes in a high-security prison, a facility usually reserved for violent offenders. The official narrative attributes his downfall to legal violations and political unrest. But to anyone reading between the lines, the specter of international pressure—especially from the Zionist-Western axis—is difficult to ignore.

Of course, this wasn't the military's first betrayal of the Palestinian cause. That dubious honor belongs to General Zia-ul-Haq, who in 1970 participated in the suppression of the Palestinian resistance during Black September in Jordan. Thousands were killed as Zia, then a relatively obscure officer, assisted the Hashemite monarchy in crushing the PLO. The man who later wrapped himself in the cloak of Islamization was once complicit in the massacre of fellow Muslims—at the behest of Arab autocrats.

That episode was not an anomaly; it was a precedent. Pakistan's military elite long ago made a Faustian bargain: serve the interests of Gulf monarchs and Western patrons in exchange for dollars, prestige, and insulation from domestic accountability. In that calculus, Palestinian suffering has remained expendable.

Fast forward to the most recent Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) summit on Gaza. One might expect that, in the face of a live-streamed genocide, Pakistan would assert a position of moral clarity. Instead, Islamabad's delegation treated the summit as if it were a technical seminar. Their standout achievement? Quietly lobbying to remove clauses that would have held Israeli officials accountable for war crimes. A low point, even by the standards of Pakistani diplomacy.

Israel took notice. Media reports from Tel Aviv celebrated Pakistan's behind-the-scenes efforts. In a room filled with transactional politics, Islamabad appeared determined to outdo them all in moral equivocation.

Meanwhile, the Pakistani public was staging vigils, organizing fundraisers, and marching in solidarity with Palestine. From the streets of Karachi to the hills of Khyber, moral clarity was not only alive—it was surging. And from his prison cell, Imran Khan released a statement through his sister, calling on Muslim-majority nations—especially Pakistan and Turkey—to form protection forces for Gaza and the West Bank. He even proposed a no-fly zone over Gaza, echoing norms of international humanitarian law that the so-called "international community" rarely enforces.

This was not an isolated remark. Khan had made similar appeals before, but this time it resonated more deeply. Why? Because it aligned with a rising public sentiment: that the Pakistani military—rather than suppressing journalists, student unions, and political activists—might one day consider defending actual victims of oppression.

This divergence has now crystallized into a deeper national contradiction.

On one side stand the military, feudal elites, and their liberal apologists—those who see appeasing Tel Aviv and Washington as a strategic imperative. Their pundits dress up normalization in economic and modernist vocabulary, even as Israeli bombs level hospitals. Their intellectuals preach caution, even as children are buried under rubble.

On the other side stand the people: a population that, despite relentless propaganda, remains morally grounded. They reject apartheid. They oppose genocide. And increasingly, they demand action—not just symbolic gestures, but meaningful resistance.

Calls for a volunteer army to defend Palestine may sound utopian to some, but they reflect a growing disillusionment with Pakistan's security establishment. The question is no longer why the military is silent on Gaza. It's why it continues to serve everything but the public will—whether in foreign policy or at home.

Because this is not just about Palestine. It is about the soul of Pakistan's foreign policy. Will it remain scripted in Western capitals and proofread in Tel Aviv? Or will it finally reflect the ethical compass of its own people?

The values at stake—justice, solidarity, dignity, resistance—are not abstract. They were part of Pakistan's founding narrative, however inconsistently upheld. And for much of the public, they remain non-negotiable.

History will judge. And when it does, it will not be kind to those who stood idle—or complicit—as a genocide unfolded. The military may still dominate the national narrative, but narratives are slippery things. They seep through cracks, they circulate digitally, and they gather force.

Across campuses, mosques, and social platforms, a new generation is asking dangerous questions: Why must our foreign policy serve imperial interests? Why is our media allergic to speaking the truth about the occupation? And why does our military continue to protect elite privilege while the world burns?

The answers are uncomfortable. But they are necessary.

So let the generals continue their overtures to Zionist power. Let the elite dream of tech partnerships and direct flights to Ben-Gurion. But they should know this: the public is not with them. The people are watching. They are remembering. And they are no longer silent.

If that reality unsettles Rawalpindi, so be it. Accountability begins with discomfort. And Pakistan, at long last, may be inching toward both.

– Prof. Junaid S. Ahmad teaches Law, Religion, and Global Politics and is the Director of the Center for the Study of Islam and Decolonization (CSID), Islamabad, Pakistan. He is a member of the International Movement for a Just World, Movement for Liberation from Nakba, and Saving Humanity and Planet Earth. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The post The Generals of Islamabad and Their Zionist Daydream appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.

10. Pope Francis’ Passing: His Key Statements on Gaza and the Ongoing Genocide

By Romana Rubeo  

Pope Francis, who passed away at 88, leaves behind a legacy defined by his steadfast calls for peace and justice in Gaza, persistently urging ceasefires, condemning violence, and advocating for the protection of civilians.

Pope Francis, who passed away on Monday morning at the age of 88, was the first Jesuit and the first Latin American pontiff. 

In the final years of his papacy, he consistently spoke out about the war in Gaza, expressing concern for civilians and calling for peace and humanitarian access.

Since October 9, 2023, Pope Francis has been calling Gaza's Holy Family Parish every evening—brief conversations at 7 PM, marked by simple, human questions: "How are you?" "What did you eat?" 

These nightly calls, as reported by Vatican News, offered a vital sense of connection and comfort to the more than 600 people, both Christians and Muslims, sheltering in the parish's church and school. He always ended with a blessing, making the sign of the cross and saying, "Muchas gracias, grazie tante."

But the Pope's compassion extended beyond personal gestures. From the outset of Israel's genocidal war on Gaza, he steadily increased his public condemnation. 

In January 2025, he called the humanitarian crisis in Gaza "very serious and shameful" and firmly stated: "We cannot in any way accept the bombing of civilians … that children are freezing to death because hospitals have been destroyed." 

Weeks earlier, he had suggested the international community must ask whether Israel's military campaign amounted to genocide—a remark that drew sharp criticism from Israeli officials, who accused him of antisemitism.

Baby Jesus with a Keffiyeh – A Historic Nativity Scene at the Vatican

The following timeline highlights the most significant public statements Pope Francis made on Gaza:

'War is a Defeat'

On October 29, 2023, during his Angelus address, Pope Francis called for a ceasefire in Gaza. 

He urged for humanitarian aid to be allowed into Gaza and for all captives to be freed. He emphasized that "War is always a defeat! Every war is a defeat!"

'Courageous Paths to Peace'

On December 3, 2023, Pope Francis expressed deep sorrow over the resumption of Israeli attacks on Gaza following a temporary ceasefire. He warned that the end of the humanitarian pause brings renewed "death, destruction, misery."

Speaking after his Sunday Angelus prayer, the pontiff noted that the situation in Gaza continued to deteriorate. "There is so much suffering in Gaza, there is a lack of basic necessities," he said.

The Pope called for a ceasefire and urged to "find solutions other than arms, trying to take courageous paths to peace."

'Please Stop!'

On March 3, 2024, Pope Francis reiterated his call for "an immediate ceasefire in Gaza."

"I carry daily in my heart, with sorrow, the suffering of the peoples in Palestine and Israel due to the ongoing hostilities," the pope said, adding: 

"Do you really think you are going to build a better world this way? Do you really think you are going to achieve peace? Enough, please! Let us all say: Stop! Please stop!"

Jubilee 2025 – Pope Francis Calls for Investigation into 'Genocide' in Gaza

"No Peace without Justice"

On April 3, 2024, during his general Wednesday audience, Pope Francis condemned the killing of aid workers in Gaza by Israel and renewed his call for an immediate ceasefire.

Speaking to a crowd of 25,000 in St. Peter's Square, the pontiff expressed sorrow over the deaths of seven World Central Kitchen volunteers, who were killed by an Israeli strike while delivering food in what had been designated a "deconflicted zone."

"I express deep regret for the volunteers killed while distributing food aid in Gaza," he said.

Pope Francis centered his message on the virtue of justice, calling it essential to peace and the foundation of a society governed by law. 

"Without justice, there is no peace," he said. "Indeed, if justice is not respected, conflicts arise. Without justice, the law of the prevalence of the strong over the weak is entrenched."

'Ceasefire on All Fronts'

On August 15, 2024, on the Solemnity of the Assumption, Pope Francis decried the grave humanitarian crisis in Gaza. 

He appealed for a ceasefire on all fronts and aid to the exhausted population of the Strip. He reiterated that "war is a defeat."

Investigation into 'Genocide'

In a book released ahead of the Jubilee Year 2025, Pope Francis called for an investigation into the unfolding genocide in Gaza, urging the world not to look away from the suffering of its people.

"I am thinking above all of those who leave Gaza in the midst of the famine that has struck their Palestinian brothers and sisters given the difficulty of getting food and aid into their territory," the pontiff wrote.

He went further, raising the alarm on the potential severity of the situation: "According to some experts," Pope Francis noted, "what is happening in Gaza has the characteristics of a genocide. It should be carefully investigated to determine whether it fits into the technical definition formulated by jurists and international bodies."

Rev. Isaac: Christian Communities in Gaza and West Bank Facing Extinction

Nativity Scene

On December 8, Pope Francis unveiled the Vatican's annual nativity scene, which featured baby Jesus draped in a Palestinian keffiyeh, according to Vatican News. 

This symbolic addition underscored the Holy Family's connection to Bethlehem and served as a nod to the Palestinian struggle.

Crafted by Palestinian artists from Bethlehem, the scene included a Bethlehem Star inscribed in both Latin and Arabic with the words: "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, goodwill to all people." 

Figures of the Holy Family were carved from olive wood, further connecting the display to its place of origin.

'Cruelty, Not War'

On December 21, 2024, Pope Francis criticized the bombing of children in Gaza, describing it as an act of "cruelty." 

His statement followed a report from Gaza's Civil Defense rescue agency that an Israeli airstrike in the northern part of the territory on Friday killed 10 members of a family, including seven children.  

"Yesterday they did not allow the Patriarch (of Jerusalem) into Gaza as promised. Yesterday, children were bombed. This is cruelty, this is not war," he told members of the Holy See's government, adding, "I want to say it because it touches my heart."  

'Cruelty, Not War' – Pope Francis Slams Bombing of Gaza Children

'End to Heavy Bombing'

On March 23, from the window of Rome's Gemelli hospital, Pope Francis made his first public appearance in five weeks, greeting over 3,000 well-wishers gathered with flowers and "welcome home" signs. 

Though still recovering, the Pope used the moment to call for peace, as his Sunday message focused on the ongoing genocidal war on Gaza.

Reflecting on the day's Gospel, the Pope drew attention to the suffering in Palestine and in conflict zones around the world. 

"I am saddened by the resumption of heavy Israeli bombing on the Gaza Strip, causing many deaths and injuries," he wrote.

Pope Francis warned of the "very serious" humanitarian crisis in Gaza and urged the international community to act swiftly to alleviate the suffering.

Easter Message

Just a few hours before he passed away, on Easter Sunday, Pope Francis delivered his Urbi et Orbi message—"to the city and to the world"—focusing on the Holy Land, which he described as "wounded by conflict" and gripped by an "endless outburst of violence."

He expressed particular solidarity with the people of Gaza and the Christian community there, where "the terrible conflict continues to cause death and destruction and to create a dramatic and deplorable humanitarian situation."

"I appeal once again," he said, "for an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza Strip".

The Pope urged the international community to take action and "come to the aid of a starving people that aspires to a future of peace."

(The Palestine Chronicle)

– Romana Rubeo is an Italian writer and the managing editor of The Palestine Chronicle. Her articles appeared in many online newspapers and academic journals. She holds a Master's Degree in Foreign Languages and Literature and specializes in audio-visual and journalism translation.

The post Pope Francis' Passing: His Key Statements on Gaza and the Ongoing Genocide appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.