The Palestine Chronicle
25 Jan 2025 | 10:11 pm
1. ‘The Scorpion and the Frog’ – Catastrophe in Palestine
The resiliency to free themselves from the yoke and sting of colonialism is forever etched in the rubble of Gaza.
The world has focused its attention on the humanitarian pause and exchange of prisoners in Gaza that began on January 19. Meanwhile, Israel has trained its immense military power and insanity on the defenseless occupied West Bank. Palestinians there are now facing some of the same cruelty that Israel has been inflicting on their countrymen and women in the Strip for 15 horrific months.
As Israel has temporarily halted its bombing of Gaza and scaled up its ongoing violence and annexation plans in the West Bank, the instructive lessons imparted in the fable of "The Scorpion and the Frog," popular in the Middle East, hold relevance:
"A scorpion pleasantly asks a frog to carry him over a river. The frog is afraid of being stung, but the scorpion argues that if it did so, both would sink and the scorpion would drown. The frog then agrees, but midway across the river the scorpion does indeed sting the frog, dooming them both. When asked why, the scorpion replies, it is simply in my nature."
Islamic resistance groups, like Hamas, know not to expect Israel to be other than what it is, that the Zionists in control are incapable of transformation and trust. Confronted with Israel's overwhelming power to destroy, they know not to be persuaded by its promises. In the end, a scorpion remains a scorpion.
For Israel and the United States, both equally untrustworthy, the allegory is particularly poignant. Washington has fed Israel's addiction to power by never
demanding anything from its proxy. It has never asked it to renounce violence, to stop killing civilians, to end the occupation, to demilitarize and to observe international and humanitarian laws. It has essentially helped create a deformed body politic, whose future is uncertain.
Israel has for decades ridden on the back of the United States to the misfortune of both countries. Without Western affirmation and financial sustenance—first British then American—there would be no country called Israel.
Israel's early European founders envisioned the Jewish state as a rampart of the West against Asia. They believed that the support of a great power was essential to Zionism's success. As Zionist founding father, Austro-Hungarian Theodor Herzl, wrote in 1896, the "The State of the Jews" would serve as "an outpost of civilization against barbarism" — a supremacist, racist attitude that prevails in Israel to this day.
The alignment of US-Israeli interests began in the early 20th century when President Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921) approved the Balfour Declaration, promising his support for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine, before it was publicly announced by the British government in 1917.
Chaim Weizmann, Israel's first president, was especially pivotal in securing President Harry S. Truman's early recognition of the newly established state of Israel on May 14, 1948, and in fundraising in the United States.
His lobbying efforts included a partisan essay, "Zionism—Alive and Triumphant," printed in the March 12, 1924 edition of The Nation magazine. In it he wrote, "Political Zionism, in brief, is the creation of circumstances favorable to Jewish settlement in Palestine…. The larger the Jewish settlement the greater the ease with which it can be increased, the less the external opposition to its increase; the smaller the Jewish settlement in Palestine the more difficult its increase, the more obstinate the opposition."
In addition, letters between Weizmann and President Truman, as well as their March 18, 1948 meeting in the White House were important in securing the president's support for and validation of a Jewish state in Palestine, against the advice of his own State Department.
In the words of Israel's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Danny Danon: "From the moment President Truman became the first world leader to recognize the Jewish state, Israel has had no better friend than the United States of America, and the US has had no more steadfast ally than the state of Israel."
The United States persists in believing that it can dictate the fate of Palestinians and that Israel can continue its role as colonizer of Palestine and as America's bullyboy in the Middle East.
Clearly, there are no guarantees of peace with justice in the current Gaza ceasefire plan. Political Zionism was built on the colonial idea that Jewish rights—their right to self-determination—outweighed the rights of indigenous Palestinians.
Within days of announcing the ceasefire, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stressed that it was temporary and that Israel reserved the right to return to "war" on Gaza should negotiations on the second phase of the agreement prove futile. Manufacturing "futility" should prove easy for a regime well practiced in deception for over half a century. He also stated that he had received assurances of US support from outgoing President Joe Biden and President Donald Trump.
In addition, two days after the ceasefire was in place, Israel stepped up its brutal air and ground assault on the occupied West Bank.
Since October 2023, across the West Bank, at least 870 Palestinians, including 177 children, have been killed and more than 6,700 wounded in attacks by the Israeli army and Israeli squatters ("settlers"). The Jenin refugee camp is now nearly uninhabitable and an estimated 2,000 residents have been forced from their homes in the Jenin area.
It must be emphasized that Israel's militarism in Gaza and the West Bank are illegal under international law. We should also remember that on July 19, 2024, the International Court of Justice determined that Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories since 1967 and subsequent Israeli "settlements" and exploitation of natural resources are unlawful and must end.
The essence of the current ceasefire was rightly expressed by Agnes Callamard, Secretary General of Amnesty International: "Unless the root causes of this 'conflict' are addressed, Palestinians and Israelis cannot even begin to hope for a brighter future built on rights, equality and justice."
International law is on the side of the resistance. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 support the right of self-determination for occupied people, including the right to resist.
Dr. Basem Naim, a senior member of Hamas's political bureau, laid out the group's position to hold up its end of the agreement, stating: "We are not looking for a fight. We are looking [at] how to protect the future of our children." He also noted that a political solution would be preferable, but if not, "then all Palestinians are still ready to continue their struggle," adding, "We believe this is a just cause, a just struggle and we have all the guaranteed right by international law to resist the occupation by all means, including armed resistance."
For the people of Gaza, the six-week ceasefire has brought some hope mixed with melancholy. Thousands have been searching in the rubble to find and bury their loved ones. In the Muslim umma (community), burials are customarily carried out within a day. The daily fight for survival and with cemeteries pulverized by Israeli bombs, Palestinians have been deprived of their right to bereavement, and to observe cultural rituals and religious burial rites.
Palestinian life, since the arrival of European Zionists, has been replete with struggle, resistance, and grief. The resiliency to free themselves from the yoke and sting of colonialism is, however, forever etched in the rubble of Gaza.
– Dr. M. Reza Behnam is a political scientist specializing in the history, politics and governments of the Middle East. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
The post 'The Scorpion and the Frog' – Catastrophe in Palestine appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
25 Jan 2025 | 9:50 pm
2. Decoding the Resistance – Six Symbols of Al-Qassam in Gaza’s Second Prisoner Exchange
By Palestine Chronicle Editors
Al-Qassam's prisoner exchange in Gaza showcased powerful symbols of resilience, unity, and defiance.
Following the first exchange of prisoners between the Palestinian Resistance and Israel on January 19, the Israeli government complained that the method with which the three Israeli women were released was unacceptable.
On that day, Romi Gonen, Emily Damari, and Doron Steinbrecher were released to the Red Cross in Saraya Square in Gaza in good health. They were smiling while some waved to the camera and to Qassam fighters.
The Israeli issue, however, was particularly with the crowd. Though the scene was perfectly controlled, Palestinian fighters seemed to struggle in trying to push the jubilant crowd back as the transfer of the Israeli prisoners was taking place.
Local sources in Gaza say that Al-Qassam was fully prepared for the event and that a stage had been set where the certificates of release would be handed to the Israeli women and the document, signed by the Red Cross and Hamas, would be issued at the scene.
Considering that the first release took place only hours after the official start of the ceasefire on January 18, the Palestinian Resistance did not anticipate that a large crowd would gather at a moment's notice at the center of Gaza City.
Northern Gaza, in particular, has been the epicenter of the Israeli genocide and accompanying famine. Israel has tried repeatedly to push the population of the north to the south, to create a buffer zone, with the hope that it would ultimately ethnically cleanse the population of Gaza.
Thanks to the steadfastness of Palestinians, however, the last Israeli objective in the war has also failed.
However, the turnout of the crowd took the Resistance itself by surprise. Though the first exchange was a success, the Resistance wanted to send an even stronger message in the second exchange on January 25, that it was very much in control and that it was able to stage one of the most elaborate displays of power ever exhibited since October 7, 2023.
Though there were numerous symbols that one can glean from the public event on Saturday, there are a number of points that are worth isolating, due to their particular significance.
One, the camaraderie between fighters from Al-Qassam Brigades – the military arm of Hamas – and Al-Quds Brigades – the military arm of the Islamic Jihad.
Throughout the event, both sides attempted to show gratitude towards their comrades. Aside from hugs and kisses, fighters would place kuffiyahs on the shoulders of others, or put on their bandanas, which carried the insignias of both movements.
When the Israeli detainees were released, the fighters remained to celebrate along with a large mass of people, a celebration that lasted for a long time after the event had long concluded.
Two, Hamas had informed local and international media in advance that the event would be held at Palestine Square, and news networks in various languages began providing live feed of the exchange, hours before the arrival of the detained Israeli soldiers.
This allowed the Gaza Resistance to fully control the narrative, sending strong messages to the rest of the world that the Resistance was fully in charge of northern Gaza, as it was also in control of the rest of the Strip.
Saturday's event, in particular, must have ended any conversation regarding the degree of control by Hamas and the Resistance of Gaza, even after 15 months of systematic Israeli destruction that virtually left the entire Strip in ruins.
Three, the language. In a video released by Al-Qassam Brigades, the four Israeli detainees spoke in Arabic, in a local Gaza dialect. One thanked Al-Qassam for their protection during the Israeli bombardment. Another thanked them for the food, water, and clothes.
It is unclear how the soldiers learned Arabic or, more accurately, how they were taught Arabic under the horrific conditions of the Gaza genocide. For Palestinians, this is a cultural triumph.
On the other hand, the Resistance made sure that Hebrew was also present throughout the event. The largest banner on the podium was in Hebrew and read: Zionism will never win.
Also, the names of the Israeli military battalions that suffered great losses or were fully shattered in Gaza were all listed, along with such phrases as "Gaza is the graveyard of the criminal Zionists," "The Palestinian freedom fighters will always be the victorious," and "Palestine – the victory of the oppressed people vs the Nazi Zionism".
Four, back to cultural triumph, not only did Israeli soldiers show gratitude to the Palestinian Resistance, using Gaza's Arabic slang, but they also emerged smiling, waving to the crowds. Compare this to the horrific conditions of released Palestinian prisoners, often gaunt, disoriented, and humiliated until the very last minute.
Many people around the world have already made these comparisons between the culture of the Israeli occupation and the culture of the Palestinian Resistance.
While some claimed that this was all staged by Hamas for propaganda purposes, it must also be acknowledged that protecting the prisoners, "according to Islamic teaching," as repeatedly emphasized by the Resistance, had taken place since the beginning of the war.
Five, Israeli media, conveying official and non-official Israeli views, seemed shocked by the number of Palestinian fighters who emerged from beneath the rubble and from Resistance tunnels in Gaza to help facilitate the first exchange.
Particular emphasis was placed on the degree of organization, the pristine uniforms, the media coverage, and much more. The reason behind the shock was that the Israeli military had communicated repeatedly that the Resistance had been defeated in northern Gaza, that it was 'dismantled' and was barely able to operate. That event proved quite the opposite.
It seemed as if the Resistance understood the importance of that particular point, which was also communicated by regional and international analysts. Therefore, it increased the number of its fighters by several folds. Some analysts suggest that the number of Qassam fighters had at least quadrupled from the first exchange.
Add to this the number of Al-Quds Brigades fighters, who also came in large numbers, driving what seemed to be new trucks and confidently parading in the streets of Gaza, as thousands of Palestinians greeted them with excitement and jubilation wherever they went.
Six, Al-Qassam's elite fighters, Al-Nukhba, carried Israeli Tavor rifles, which were termed as 'ghan'im,' the Arabic word for 'spoils of war,' by Al-Qassam. The message was that of victory, where Palestinian elite fighters had eliminated Israeli elite fighters and were parading in Gaza with their own weapons.
Much more can be said about the symbolism of the event, from the body language to the hand signals to the chants of the crowds, and to the Palestinian media drones hovering above the Palestine Square, a site of fierce battles between the Resistance and the Israeli army. That too carries deep symbolism.
For more on this subject, read our previous analysis, 'Zionism Will Never Win – Everything You Need to Know about the Release of Prisoners in Gaza.'
(The Palestine Chronicle)
The post Decoding the Resistance – Six Symbols of Al-Qassam in Gaza's Second Prisoner Exchange appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
25 Jan 2025 | 7:12 pm
3. Palestine Through the Lens: A Visual Chronicle of a Vibrant Society
By Jamal Kanj
This is a review of an exceptional photo book, Images of Palestine (1898-1946). The book is a collection of photographs that spans nearly five decades, captured in the period leading up to the Palestine Nakba.
Together, these black-and-white images chronicle a vibrant and diverse Palestinian society, highlighting its connection to the land, its achievements in commerce, architecture, and civil society, and its development into a modern socio-political entity chafing to break free from colonial domination.
The photographs cover the final years of the Ottoman Empire, World War I, the establishment of the British Mandate of Palestine, the large-scale European Jewish immigration under British colonial rule, and the emergence of a popular movement for Palestinian independence.
The photographers were members of the American Colony Photo Department and employees of the Photo Department's successor, the Matson Photographic Service. The American Colony was a Christian utopian community founded in Jerusalem in 1871. Its members began taking photographs in the late 1890s, eventually developing a full-fledged photographic division.
In the 1940s, the American Colony ceased to exist as a religious community, but the photographic work was continued by Colony member G. Eric Matson under the name Matson Photographic Service.
More than 23,000 glass and film negatives, transparencies, and photographic prints created by the American Colony Photo Department and the Matson Photo Service were transferred to the Library of Congress between 1966 and 1981. Since then, the images have been digitized for archival preservation by the Library of Congress.
The American Colony did not set out to document the emergence of modern Palestine through its photographs. Instead, its efforts were driven by a religious utopian vision. Composed of American and Swedish immigrants living in Jerusalem, the Colony's work was deeply influenced by this vision, as well as by the Orientalist perspectives its members carried with them. These influences are evident in both their choice of photographic subjects and the descriptions accompanying the images in their archives.
The photo book is divided into eight galleries, each designed to highlight a unique and integral aspect of the pre-1948 vibrant Palestinian societal structure. The galleries serve as a visual narrative, weaving together the diverse cultural, social, and economic elements that define the collective community.
Each segment focuses on specific themes, such as City Life, Commercial, Education, Landscape, Medical, Colonialism and Resistance, Palestine Broadcast Service, and Individual Portraits, creating a comprehensive portrayal of the dynamic interplay within the society.
This structured approach provides a glimpse into an aspect of Palestinian life, enabling viewers to appreciate the richness and depth of the community's identity through a curated lens, delivering a meaningful and immersive experience.
During the period when these photos were taken, Palestinians endured three distinct forms of foreign intervention: the Ottoman Empire, the British Mandate, and the large European Jewish immigration supported by British colonial authorities, aimed at transforming Palestine into a new political and social entity. This was combined with the emergence of a popular movement for Palestinian independence.
The interplay between external interventions and indigenous social and economic structures, along with the resulting conflicts, is vividly depicted in the stories these photographs convey. However, these stories are not bound to a single moment in history. Instead, they are part of an ongoing historical continuum. The underlying dynamics that shaped them persist, with their narratives continuing to evolve and unfold visibly in the present day.
While Palestinian society during this period was often described as "traditional" by external observers, the photographs reveal a sophisticated social fabric. Palestinian cities boasted thriving marketplaces, diverse religious and cultural communities, and connections to regional and international trade networks.
Intellectual life flourished in urban centers, with schools, mosques, churches, and libraries serving as vibrant hubs of education and cultural exchange. This blend of tradition and modernity highlighted the resilience and adaptability of Palestinian society in navigating external interventions and shifting historical dynamics.
The over 200 large-size page photobook was produced by KARAMA, San Diego, California, an independent non-profit organization dedicated to promoting understanding of the Arab and Islamic world, with a particular focus on Palestine. KARAMA launched its Palestine Photography Project in 2015, believing that distributing high-quality photographs of life in Palestine prior to 1948 could effectively convey the dignity, humanity, and cultural richness of the Palestinian people.
In addition to the photo book, the Palestine Photography Project has created a portable "Museum-in-a-Box," featuring selected photographs from the book, designed for tabletop display at community events. The photobook and the Museum-in-a-Box, as well as individual prints of the photos, can be ordered here.
Images of Palestine (1898-1946) is a must have coffee table book!
– Jamal Kanj is the author of "Children of Catastrophe," Journey from a Palestinian Refugee Camp to America, and other books. He writes frequently on Arab world issues for various national and international commentaries. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle
The post Palestine Through the Lens: A Visual Chronicle of a Vibrant Society appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
25 Jan 2025 | 6:41 pm
4. Unwavering Gratitude to Gaza – Released Palestinian Prisoners Speak Out
Freed Palestinian prisoners express heartfelt gratitude to Gaza's resistance and share powerful messages of hope and unity.
In a series of interviews released to Quds News Network, Palestinian prisoners recently freed in the exchange deal between the resistance and the Israeli occupation forces shared their gratitude and messages of solidarity with the people of Gaza.
Zaid Amer, a freed prisoner from Nablus and a member of the first response cell to the settlers' burning of the Dawabsheh family, expressed his deep gratitude to Gaza's resistance fighters.
"Victory is near," Amer declared, emphasizing that true honor comes from divine empowerment rather than material wealth.
https://twitter.com/PalestineChron/status/1883204097081536995
Ahmed Badie, another freed prisoner, commended the Al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, for their ingenuity and determination.
"The Qassam Brigades were creative and surprised the world," he remarked, noting that those who doubted the endurance of the resistance have been proven wrong.
Azmi Nafaa, also among the released prisoners, expressed his hope for a complete end to the war, allowing the people of Gaza to live in peace and safety.
"The feeling of freedom is wonderful," Nafaa said, dedicating his newfound joy to Gaza's people and resistance.
Palestinian prisoners raise the victory sign after their release and arrival in Ramallah as part of the prisoner exchange deal between the resistance and Israel. pic.twitter.com/DgkA4frcN3
— Quds News Network (@QudsNen) January 25, 2025
Mohammed Zayed, released alongside his son from Jenin, shared his pride in the Palestinian people.
"The Palestinian people deserve freedom, life, and dignity," Zayed stated, dedicating his freedom to the steadfastness of Gaza.
Ahmed Musa, a former member of the Tel Aviv bus bombing cell during the 2021 war, praised Gaza's resilience and sacrifice.
Palestinian prisoner Nasim Al-Zaitri from occupied Jerusalem reunites with his family after being released as part of the prisoner exchange deal between the resistance and Israel. pic.twitter.com/ic4bKlpsz1
— Quds News Network (@QudsNen) January 25, 2025
"The free people got us out of these prisons," he said, acknowledging the immense efforts of Gaza's resistance. Musa called for Palestinian unity, urging all political groups to work together for freedom and justice.
Khalil Muslim, who spent 23 years in Israeli captivity, expressed his overwhelming joy at regaining his freedom.
"We dedicate our joy to the people of Gaza, to those who sacrificed their lives for us," Muslim said, highlighting the collective spirit of the struggle.
Palestinian prisoner Yusuf Mahdawi from Tulkarm, released as part of an exchange deal, describes the horrific conditions endured by prisoners in Israeli jails, confirming that they are daily subjected to severe beatings. pic.twitter.com/870bZz96eH
— Quds News Network (@QudsNen) January 25, 2025
Other released prisoners, including Abdul Rahman Burqan, Ahmed Khadraj, and Baha Awisat, echoed similar sentiments.
Their messages carried recurring themes of gratitude to Gaza, the resistance, and the martyrs who paved the way for their release.
Khadraj emphasized the deep connection to Al-Aqsa, stating, "Our lives are a sacrifice for Al-Aqsa. Thank you to the resistance and our people in Gaza."
(PC, QNN)
The post Unwavering Gratitude to Gaza – Released Palestinian Prisoners Speak Out appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
25 Jan 2025 | 5:43 pm
5. The ‘Prince of Shadows’: Who Is Abdullah Barghouti? – PROFILE
Nicknamed "the Prince of Shadows" Abdullah Barghouti is the Palestinian political prisoner with the most number of life sentences ever given to a single detainee.
A former leader of the Hamas' al-Qassam brigade's armed wing, in the West Bank, he now appears to be on the verge of release in the Hamas-Israel prisoner exchange.
Born in Kuwait in 1972, Abdullah Barghouti grew up outside of occupied Palestine, despite his family having originated from the village of Beit Rima, located near Ramallah. Barghouti attended school, up until high school in Kuwait.
Upon the eruption of the first Intifada in the occupied Palestinian territories, in 1987, Barghouti recounted in his memoir that the uprising had inspired him to seek revenge against the occupiers, especially after Israeli forces murdered one of his cousins and youngest uncle. "Simply put, they threw stones at the Zionist occupation forces that were wreaking havoc, so they were shot and martyred" he stated.
Landmark Exchange: Hundreds of Palestinian Prisoners Set Free in Latest Deal
During the first Gulf War (1990-1991), Abdullah Barghouti was reportedly arrested for around a month after being accused of participating in the fight against US forces, later being released after the war. Prior to this, Barghouti had decided to pursue the combat sport of Judo and was trained by a man named Munir Samik who was also Palestinian.
Samik once asked Barghouti: "Aren't you Palestinian? Don't you want to liberate your country? If you use it against all those who occupied your homeland, there in Palestine, use what you learned here." Inspired to make himself physically strong and capable of fighting Israel, he then began training in the use of firearms and explosives in the Kuwaiti desert. During the war, Barghouti's family was forced to flee to Jordan.
When he traveled to live in Amman, Jordan, he would finish high school there but due to his family being too poor to afford University, so he would borrow money from a relative in order to open up a mechanic shop, continuing to practice Judo as a hobby. However, he wasn't able to earn enough money to keep his business afloat and pay back his relatives and decided to move abroad in order to pursue higher education instead.
A friend of Barghouti had recommended he apply for a visa program to travel to South Korea, which ended up leading him there in pursuit of an education. When he arrived, he had no money and little but the clothes on his back.
Barghouti walked from the airport to a location that was supposed to help him secure an education; his journey would take three days during which he went without eating. He recalled that he drank water from public parks until reaching the address he had been given, finding out that it was a wood-cutting factory.
So, without any money or prospects, he ended up working at the factory for 45 days without having money to buy food, eating only from what the factory would supply him.
Al-Qassam Brigades just released footage of the second batch of Israeli prisoners being handed over to the International Committee of the Red Cross as part of the first phase of the prisoner exchange deal with Israel. pic.twitter.com/aNJg4ZCEje
— The Palestine Chronicle (@PalestineChron) January 25, 2025
In 1991, after a few months in the wood-cutting factory, he moved to work in a mechanical factory and studied in parallel with his work at an engineering institute, specializing in electromechanics. This was also the time during which he would meet his wife, who was of Korean origin.
However, his passion for seeking the liberation of Palestine through armed struggle would not perish while he lived in South Korea, as he would routinely go deep into the forest and practice making improvised explosive devices and refining his craft. In 1998 he would then return to Amman with his wife, before deciding to divorce her due to his desire to have children.
Around this time he started becoming more religious, moved to Jerusalem and then the West Bank, married a Palestinian wife, and settled down in his family's village of Beit Rima. He later had two daughters, Safaa and Tala, and a son called Osama.
It just so happened that in 2001, Beit Rima would be the first area in the West Bank that would experience a full-scale military invasion during the Second Intifada. Israeli forces deployed tanks, attack helicopters, and a huge military force to the village.
AL JAZEERA: One Palestinian was killed, and others were injured by Israeli forces on Salah Al-Din Street in central Gaza. pic.twitter.com/s7ocpCi9Lj
— The Palestine Chronicle (@PalestineChron) January 25, 2025
Abdullah Barghouti joined the Qassam Brigades in 2001, seeking out his cousin Bilal Barghouti in order to share his expertise in bomb-making.
After his cousin, who is currently serving 16 life sentences in Israeli military prison, witnessed how skilled he was at engineering explosives, he told his superiors in the Hamas military wing and Abdullah Barghouti would begin military training in the Nablus area, going on to become a commander of the Qassam Brigades in the West Bank.
This entire time, almost nobody close to him knew of his secret ambition to seek revenge against Israel and his bomb-making skills. He would later go on to participate in the manufacturing of explosives that killed 66 Israelis and injured over 500.
When he was eventually tracked down in 2003 and arrested by the Israeli occupation forces, he was interrogated and tortured for over five months, before being handed 67 life sentences, amounting to 5,200 years in prison. In later interviews recorded with Barghouti from inside an Israeli prison, he would confidently state that one day interviewers would come to meet him while he sits inside a hot tub in Ramallah.
If he is to be released during the upcoming Hamas-Israel prisoner exchange, it is likely that Israel will request his deportation outside of occupied Palestine. It is speculated that Barghouti could be useful to Hamas in developing its influence in the armed struggle inside the West Bank, which is currently dominated by Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and Fatah-aligned fighters.
(The Palestine Chronicle)
– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
The post The 'Prince of Shadows': Who Is Abdullah Barghouti? – PROFILE appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
24 Jan 2025 | 10:35 pm
6. Inside the Storm: Unveiling the Secrets of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood (VIDEOS)
Exclusive footage and testimonies reveal the intricate planning and dramatic execution of the October 7, 2023, 'Operation Al-Aqsa Flood', led by Hamas' Al-Qassam Brigades, marking a historic turning point in the conflict.
In a special episode of the program "Ma Khafi A'azam" ("What is Hidden is Greater"), aired by Al-Jazeera Arabic channel, journalist Tamer Al-Mashaal revealed unprecedented details about the "Operation Al-Aqsa Flood" carried out by the Al-Qassam Brigades on October 7, 2023.
The episode included exclusive footage, first released by the Al-Qassam Brigades, documenting the entire planning process for the operation as well as its aftermath—from the first meetings of the military leadership to the moment of execution.
The broadcast featured rare and significant moments, including footage showing Mohammad Deif, the overall commander of the Al-Qassam Brigades, in full view, standing inside a military operations room as he finalized the preparations for the attack.
In this footage, Deif is seen addressing the operation commanders, saying:
"We must change the course of history, so that we are the ones to lead at this moment, and achieve one of God's great days, where the banners are raised high."
#ما_خفي_أعظم يعرض لقطات حصرية تكشف عنها القسام للمرة الأولى لقائد أركانها محمد الضيف داخل غرفة عمليات القيادة أثناء وضع اللمسات الأخيرة لهجوم 7 أكتوبر#حرب_غزة pic.twitter.com/Q27MuHnaWy
— قناة الجزيرة (@AJArabic) January 24, 2025
The episode also presented classified documents, including a secret military order signed by Deif on October 5, 2023, specifying the time of the attack as 6:30 AM on October 7, just two days before the operation took place.
The document also outlined key Israeli military sites to be targeted, such as "Yiftah," "Nahal Oz," and "Kissufim."
VIDEO
Additionally, the program showcased exclusive footage of Yahya Sinwar, the head of Hamas' political bureau, who played a central role in directing the Resistance during the war. Sinwar was shown on the battlefield leading operations against Israeli forces in Rafah and other areas.
The footage demonstrated Sinwar's role in coordinating and boosting the morale of the Al-Qassam Brigades fighters, who were engaging in fierce battles against the Israeli invasion. One scene captured Sinwar seated while planning operations with Mahmoud Hamdan, the commander of the al-Qassam Battalion in Rafah, who was killed in the fighting as well.
In another part of the program, Sinwar was shown on the front lines, observing a targeted Israeli military vehicle that had been disabled in the Tel Sultan neighborhood of Rafah.
#ما_خفي_أعظم يعرض لقطات حصرية تكشف عنها القسام للمرة الأولى لقائد حركة حماس قبل استشهاده يحيى السنوار، تظهر أن السنوار كان فوق الأرض يقود عمليات ضد قوات الاحتلال المتوغلة في #رفح ومناطق أخرى#حرب_غزة pic.twitter.com/B6Lx1brSf1
— قناة الجزيرة (@AJArabic) January 24, 2025
Furthermore, "Ma Khafi A'azam" aired previously unseen footage showing the Al-Qassam Brigades' meticulous surveillance of the entire Gaza border prior to October 7, 2023. The footage documented the monitoring of Israeli officers, including the capture of Asaf Hamami, the commander of the southern brigade of the Gaza Division. This detailed surveillance played a key role in the operation's success.
The program also included a rare interview with Azeddine al-Haddad, a member of the Al-Qassam Brigades' general military council and the commander of the Gaza Brigade.
Al-Haddad explained that the military leadership had been in constant session since October 1, 2023, finalizing the operation's timing and ensuring everything was in place for its execution. He emphasized that the Israeli occupation, backed by US and the West, would eventually have no choice but to comply with their demands to halt the aggression and withdraw fully from Gaza.
In another dramatic moment, "Ma Khafi A'azam" aired exclusive footage documenting a key moment from the operation: the flipping of an Israeli Merkava tank in an ambush in Beit Hanoun, located in northern Gaza, just before a ceasefire was announced.
مصادر صحفية | لقطات حصرية لـ "ما خفي أعظم" تظهر كميناً نفذته القـــسام في بيت حانون في 8 يناير الماضي.
اللقطات تظهر انقلاب دبابة الميركفاه وتدميرها بشكل كامل؛ ما أدى لمقتل قائد سرية وعدداً من الجنود حسب اعتراف جيش الاحتلال لاحقاً. pic.twitter.com/XCkQIuYTrR
— شبكة قدس الإخبارية (@qudsn) January 24, 2025
The footage, revealed by the al-Qassam Brigades for the first time, showed the tank overturning after an explosion, with its turret separated from the main body. The program also showed efforts to rescue the soldiers trapped inside the destroyed tank. The attack led to the death of the tank's commander and several Israeli soldiers.
(AJA, PC)
The post Inside the Storm: Unveiling the Secrets of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood (VIDEOS) appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
24 Jan 2025 | 4:54 pm
7. Israel’s Threats to Remain in South Lebanon: What Are the Potential Outcomes?
Israel's violations of the Lebanon ceasefire and its push to remain in south Lebanon threaten to reignite conflict with Hezbollah.
Tel Aviv is proposing that its troops remain inside south Lebanese territory following the conclusion of the 60-day ceasefire deal it agreed upon with Beirut. Hezbollah's official response has been to call upon the Lebanese army to take full responsibility for defending the country in the event that Israel attempts to impose an illegal occupation, declaring that it is following the developments closely.
Israel is seeking to remain inside south Lebanon, effectively breaking the 60-day ceasefire agreement they accepted, amidst a steady stream of calls from Israeli politicians and settler groups to re-occupy the south of the country; which have come throughout the two-month period.
Since the first day of the implementation of the ceasefire agreement, Israel has continuously violated it.
Operation 'Iron Wall': How Israeli Forces and PA Collaborate against Jenin Resistance
Not a day has gone by where Israeli forces have refrained from committing acts, such as: Blowing up civilian homes, shooting towards unarmed people, firing upon Lebanese army and UNIFIL positions, killing civilians in drone or artillery attacks, wounding and kidnapping farmers, burning agricultural lands or launching airstrikes even to the north of the Litani River, to name a few.
Hundreds upon hundreds of ceasefire violations have been committed by the Israeli occupation forces in Lebanon, while on a single occasion, Hezbollah fired a single munition next to an Israeli military site in the occupied Shebaa Farms area as a warning to Tel Aviv.
Hezbollah has been fully cooperative with the Lebanese Armed Forces, being careful to respect the ceasefire themselves, despite constant round-the-clock provocations.
Yet, Reuters ran with the headline this Thursday, reading "Israel sees more to do on Lebanon ceasefire as deadline nears", further proving that corporate media coverage is insufficient at educating the public about anything to do with Israel. In fact, the headline and coverage is so sanitized that it may as well have been submitted for publication on the Israeli Foreign Ministry's official website, rather than a news outlet.
Unfortunately, despite some more accurate coverage rearing its head when it comes to the issue of Gaza, on the topic of the Lebanon-Israel war, the corporate media is not producing news coverage, but instead working to manufacture consent for future conflict.
What Will a Collapse of the Ceasefire Mean?The Palestinian Authority Seeks to Rule Gaza: Can It Succeed?
Prior to Israel's explosive-laden pager attacks that wounded thousands of Lebanese citizens, followed by a string of assassinations that murdered most of Hezbollah's senior leadership, the perceptions of regional power dramatically shifted in the West Asia region.
Prior to this series of earth-shattering actions in September, which resulted in a war between Lebanon and Israel, Hezbollah was viewed as somewhat undefeatable.
The Lebanese group had been playing a support role in favor of Gaza since October 8, which first began with strikes against monitoring and spyware equipment in the occupied Shebaa Farms area, later spreading to Israeli settlements located in what is considered today as "Israel proper" after the murder of Lebanese civilians.
Up until the pager attacks, dubbed as "terrorism" by former CIA chief Leon Panetta, Hezbollah was embarrassing the Israelis and helped to foster a dynamic that propped up the Iranian-led Axis of Resistance as the dominant alliance regionally.
Over 100,000 Israelis were internally displaced due to Hezbollah's retaliatory strikes, which were careful to inflict minimal loss of human life initially, even as Israel indiscriminately bombed south Lebanon and even assassinated journalists.
An Icon of the Second Intifada – Who is Zakaria Zubeidi? – PROFILE
Hezbollah's record spoke for itself, it had managed to force the Israeli military to abandon its occupation of almost all of south Lebanon in 2000, before fighting a war in 2006 that forced Israel to retreat. During the early to mid-2000s, Hezbollah's fighting force was estimated to have been somewhere around 14,000 to 25,000 men strong, possessing rocket capabilities similar to what Hamas displayed during the past 15 months in Gaza.
Yet, since 2006 Hezbollah had not engaged in warfare, beyond occasional trading of blows along the Lebanon border, while it built an extensive arsenal of precision missiles and drones. Additionally, the former Secretary General of Hezbollah, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, boasted a fighting force consisting of more than 100,000 fighters, not including allied militias and specialized units.
Hezbollah fought a limited war against Israel until November 27. It did so, standing on one leg. Fighting under the worst possible circumstances, they managed to prevent the Israelis from making it very far during their ground invasion of south Lebanon and knew that the inevitable result was going to be a stalemate.
Israel, on the other hand, had scored a series of tactical victories in September but appeared to have run out of options soon after the beginning of the war. Yet, the achievements they made were significant enough for them to come off looking like the victors.
However, Tel Aviv was not ready to stop exploiting the historic opportunity that they had gained, to inflict embarrassment and an even more crushing blow against Hezbollah and the people of Lebanon. So, from day one of the ceasefire, the Israelis have made a point of committing the most blatant violations.
Meanwhile, as Hezbollah licked its wounds and sought time to recover from the serious blows it suffered, it knew that a stale-mate ceasefire was going to be the only option out of their predicament.
If they didn't agree to the ceasefire, the Israelis were going to expand the scope of the war and begin destroying Lebanese civilian infrastructure belonging to the State.
In the event that this would occur, Hezbollah's only real option would be to use its best munitions to inflict significant damage on cities like Tel Aviv, although it would have been clear that Israel's munitions would do far more damage.
The propaganda surrounding who is truly the regional powerhouse is largely redundant when it comes to actual warfare. Although on paper Israel should easily defeat Hamas, it couldn't in over 15 months of committing genocide and destroying almost all of the Gaza Strip. On paper, Iran could also batter Israel with its missile power, but that hasn't happened either, largely due to political constraints.
When it comes to Hezbollah, it is still a much more formidable fighting force than Hamas in Gaza, even after the blows it has sustained. It is an organization boasting over 100,000 fighters and producing its own weapons domestically, despite losing its supply line through Syria for the time being.
Looking at the abundance of guided anti-tank weapons it was using in south Lebanon and the sheer volume of drones it launched, it was clear that these weapons were available in large quantities and still are.
If Israel chooses to stay in south Lebanon, it is not a matter of if but when Hezbollah will act. They will need to play a careful game that ensures they are aligned with the interests of the entire Lebanese population and are fighting on their behalf and such a scenario may take time to develop.
This is crucial because any new round of fighting will likely have to be fought at a much higher intensity than the previous war, or Hezbollah risks being forced into another stalemate whereby Israel could just violate a future ceasefire.
If Hezbollah will fight any time soon, it will need to ensure it has the backing of the Lebanese people and that it completely changes the nature of the conflict between both sides. This means drawing new equations and an enormous amount of sacrifice, which will swing the perception of power in their favor once more.
Post-Gaza Ceasefire: Israel Prepares to Focus Its War on The West Bank
Another potential trigger for war could be an Israeli decision to scrap the ceasefire agreement with Gaza, which appears less likely at this point. In addition to this, it still isn't clear what Iran's intentions are for Israel as mixed messages are constantly being sent from different elements of its leadership.
Regardless, Hezbollah is not weak and the Israeli military themselves understand this, especially coming off the morale-killing ceasefire agreement with Gaza and having endured major material losses throughout the past 15 months.
If the Israeli political leadership seeks to violate the 60-day ceasefire agreement, it does not appear as if a return to war will be immediate, but it is a risky strategy that could end up undoing all the tactical victories they scored last September.
(The Palestine Chronicle)
– Robert Inlakesh is a journalist, writer, and documentary filmmaker. He focuses on the Middle East, specializing in Palestine. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
The post Israel's Threats to Remain in South Lebanon: What Are the Potential Outcomes? appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
23 Jan 2025 | 9:02 pm
8. ‘Jenin is Gaza’: Refugees Describe Israel’s Brutal Assault on Their West Bank Camp
A journey of exodus into the unknown, but this time in Jenin, not Gaza. It seems that the Israeli army is using its same policies everywhere.
Ahmed al-Hawashin and his family of nine were forced to leave their home in the Al-Hawashin neighborhood in the Jenin camp, after threats from the Israeli army.
While the Israeli military operation in Jenin and its refugee camp continues, more atrocities are being revealed. In addition to expelling residents from their homes, Israeli soldiers continue to fire randomly at anyone who moves.
According to Ministry of Health data that is updated around the clock due to the succession of events, 12 dead and more than 40 wounded by Israeli army bullets have been recorded since the beginning of the invasion on January 21.
'We Felt Like We Were in Gaza'
The Israeli army used the method of forcing Palestinians to leave their Jenin camp, similar to its actions in the Gaza Strip.
It didn't order them to leave their homes but threatened them with violence if they stayed. They told the refugees that they would "destroy the camp over their heads", if they defied military orders. Additionally, it cut off all essential supplies to force them to leave.
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Although there were no armed men in the houses, Israeli soldiers threw hand grenades at civilians, including women and children, prompting them to flee, eyewitnesses told the Palestine Chronicle.
After packing their bags with basic items, Ahmed's family left their home and walked along a corridor designated by the Israeli army.
In addition to the soldiers' threats of a harsh strike on the refugee camp, the near-total destruction of the camp's most basic infrastructure was another reason behind the displacement of many families.
"We left the neighborhood toward the Al-Awda roundabout, and there the army divided us into groups of five. Then they searched us and examined us using automated cameras positioned several meters away, while a drone flew above us the entire time," Ahmed told the Palestine Chronicle.
Anyone the Israeli army deemed wanted or suspicious was arrested, stripped, and set aside, bound and blindfolded.
"We walked on foot—among us women, children, and the elderly—for more than a kilometer. It was a harsh scene, and we felt like we were in Gaza. Then we dispersed to the homes of relatives and friends outside the camp," Ahmed added.
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Israel has threatened to continue its military operation for months, aiming to eliminate what it calls hotbeds of terrorism. This heightens the fear of those displaced from their homes, who do not want to leave them for an extended time.
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) stated that conditions in the Jenin camp are catastrophic, with more than 2,000 families displaced and basic needs almost entirely absent.
'Our Homes are Barracks'
Anyone who looks out the window risks being shot. Anyone who moves in a vehicle risks being killed. This is how life has become in the city.
Hospitals were the first to be besieged in Jenin. The Israeli army placed dirt barriers at the entrances to Jenin Governmental Hospital, preventing access.
During the initial hours of the city's storming, three doctors were injured in the courtyard of Al-Amal Hospital by bullets fired by the Israeli army, which deliberately shot randomly to intimidate residents.
Ambulances cannot move freely in the streets, resulting in the death of many Palestinians who were left to bleed. Access to the injured is also obstructed by the Israeli army, which stops paramedics, checks the identities of the wounded, and arrests whomever it chooses.
Nadine Abu Shamla, a resident of Jenin, described the situation as very difficult, noting that Israel continues to push more military vehicles into the city, including a large number of bulldozers.
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Raids on many homes continue in the mountain area of the Jenin camp, parts of the new camp, and other areas on the outskirts, with the number of detainees still unknown.
"The soldiers blew up the walls of houses and opened them from the inside to move freely. They also occupied many homes, turning them into military barracks," Nadine told us.
Additionally, there are widespread power and water outages in the city and camp. The communications and internet network is also very weak due to warplanes and drones flying over the Jenin camp around the clock.
"This raid differs from previous ones in terms of the number of military vehicles, the brutality of the soldiers, and their precise and harsh procedures," Nadine added.
(The Palestine Chronicle)
– Fayha' Shalash is a Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist. She graduated from Birzeit University in 2008 and she has been working as a reporter and broadcaster ever since. Her articles appeared in several online publications. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
The post 'Jenin is Gaza': Refugees Describe Israel's Brutal Assault on Their West Bank Camp appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
23 Jan 2025 | 8:44 pm
9. ‘When I Saw the House, I Felt Paralyzed’: Gaza’s Battle for Shelter
Amid the fragile ceasefire, displaced families in northern Gaza face a new battle: finding shelter in a region devastated by destruction.
"Thank God those displaced to the south haven't returned immediately after the ceasefire".
This ironic phrase has become a common refrain in northern Gaza. At first, it might sound surprising. After all, the return of the displaced should be a time of joy—a long-awaited moment to reunite with loved ones after months of separation and hardship. It has also been a very critical issue that hindered the path of negotiations between the Palestinian Resistance and Israel for months.
But when you delve deeper, the sentiment reflects a harsh reality: the brief window between the ceasefire and the return of the displaced is barely enough time to regain stability in an already devastated region.
'I Fear Hope' – Gazans Anticipate Ceasefire Deal with Mixed Emotions
The Battle for Shelter Begins
As the war ended, a new battle began—the desperate search for shelter.
"We are living in their homes," said Osama Hamed, a father of four, his voice heavy with sadness. "We barely have time to pack our bags and figure out where to go before the original owners return to claim what's rightfully theirs."
Since the attack on the Jabaliya Camp, Osama and his family have been staying in a house of relatives in Al-Jalaa, western Gaza City.
"I kept praying that my house would still be standing," Osama said. "Even if it was partially destroyed, I just wanted it to remain standing to return to."
On January 19, even two hours before the ceasefire began, Osama rushed to check his home in Jabalia. What he found crushed him—the building was reduced to rubble.
The house wasn't just Osama's; it was a family home built by his late father. Osama and his four brothers each had an apartment there, a symbol of their father's hard work. Now, that legacy is gone. The brothers and their families face an uncertain future, each struggling to find shelter.
"Seeing the ruins, I felt paralyzed," Osama told The Palestine Chronicle. "Questions overwhelmed me—where will we go? What will we do? I didn't even have the chance to grieve."
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"The house was our haven, and now it's gone," he lamented.
The family hosting Osama is expected to return to their own home soon, leaving him with no choice but to find another shelter.
"I even considered erecting a tent over the rubble," Osama admitted. "But the area is uninhabitable—a wiped-out zone with no infrastructure, no water, and barely any streets left intact."
The destruction in the Jabaliya refugee camp is staggering. Homes have been obliterated, streets bulldozed, water lines destroyed, and basic infrastructure wiped out. Moving through the area is a challenge, let alone trying to rebuild.
Osama's other options disappeared just as quickly. His cousin's vacant apartment was already occupied, and his in-laws' home in northern Gaza was also destroyed.
"I am still searching for a place to stay," Osama said.
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Adding to Osama's struggles is the loss of his livelihood.
"I am a fabric sewer, but all my machines are now buried under the rubble," he said.
Before the war, Gaza's electricity crisis forced Osama to buy solar panels for $8,000—four times their pre-war price.
"Now, I have nothing," he told us. "I need a new sewing machine and another solar system, but both are nearly impossible to find."
Osama's brother, Salem, also lost his livelihood. His supermarket, located in the same building, was destroyed. While a relative offered Salem a temporary, unfurnished apartment, he faces uncertainty about reopening his business.
"Nothing is stable," Salem said. "Products come and go, prices fluctuate wildly. I'm afraid of buying stock and losing everything again."
Battling against TimeAs Sunday approaches—the day the displaced are expected to return to Gaza City—families like Osama's are racing against time to secure shelter.
For Jawad, a resident of Jabaliya and a new father, the ceasefire brought no relief. His home, though still standing, was severely damaged.
"The walls are gone, the furniture is destroyed," Jawad said. "But the columns are intact, so I have no choice but to make it livable."
'This Isn't Real. It's Just a Nightmare' – Gaza, My Haven, My Loss
Since the ceasefire began, Jawad and his brother have worked tirelessly to clear rubble and cover the structure with makeshift canopies.
"Our neighborhood is uninhabitable," Jawad admitted. "But where else can we go? I can't afford to rent, and there's no land here for camps."
Unlike southern Gaza, where agricultural lands can accommodate makeshift camps, Gaza City and northern Gaza are densely populated, with little space to spare.
In northern Gaza alone, 450,000 people are now homeless, scrambling to find even the barest shelter.
The ceasefire may have brought an end to the bombs, but for many in Gaza, the struggle for survival is only just beginning.
(The Palestine Chronicle)
– Noor Alyacoubi is a Gaza-based writer. She studied English language and literature at al-Azhar university in Gaza City. She is part of the Gaza-based writers' collective We Are Not Numbers. She contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.
The post 'When I Saw the House, I Felt Paralyzed': Gaza's Battle for Shelter appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
23 Jan 2025 | 7:35 pm
10. Gaza Ceasefire at Last: How Israel’s ‘First Defeat’ Will Shape the Country’s Future
By Ramzy Baroud 
Unlike previous military campaigns in Gaza—on a much smaller scale compared to the current genocidal war—there is no significant strand of Israeli society claiming victory.
The headline in the Times of Israel says it all: "For the First Time, Israel Just Lost a War."
Regardless of the reasoning behind this statement, which the article divides into fourteen points, it suggests a shattering and unprecedented event in the 76-year history of the State of Israel. The consequences of this realization will have far-reaching effects on Israelis, impacting both this generation and the next. These repercussions will penetrate all sectors of Israeli society, from the political elite to the collective identity of ordinary Israelis.
Interestingly, and tellingly, the article attributes Israel's defeat solely to the outcome of the Gaza war, confined to the geographical area of the Gaza Strip. Not a single point addresses the ongoing crisis within Israel itself. Nor does it explore the psychological impact of what is being labeled as Israel's first-ever defeat.
Unlike previous military campaigns in Gaza—on a much smaller scale compared to the current genocidal war—there is no significant strand of Israeli society claiming victory. The familiar rhetoric of "mowing the lawn", which Israel often uses to describe its wars, is notably absent. Instead, there is a semi-consensus within Israel that the ceasefire deal was unequivocally bad, even disastrous for the country.
The word "bad" carries broad implications. For Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, it represents a "complete surrender". For the equally extremist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, it is a "dangerous deal" that compromises Israel's "national security".
Israeli President Isaac Herzog refrained from offering political specifics but addressed the deal in equally strong terms: "Let there be no illusions. This deal—when signed, approved and implemented—will bring with it deeply painful, challenging and harrowing moments."
Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar, along with other Israeli officials, tried to justify the deal by framing Israel's ultimate goal as the freeing of captives. "If we postpone the decision, who knows how many will remain alive?" he said.
However, many in Israel, along with an increasing number of analysts, are now questioning the government's narrative. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had previously rejected similar ceasefire agreements in May and July, impeding any possibility of negotiation.
In the time between those rejections and the eventual acceptance of the deal, tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed or wounded. While these tragedies have been entirely disregarded or dismissed in Israel, many Israeli captives were also killed, mostly in Israeli military strikes.
Had Netanyahu accepted the deal earlier, many of these captives would likely still be alive. This fact will linger over whatever remains of Netanyahu's political career, further defining his already controversial and corruption-riddled legacy.
Ultimately, Netanyahu has failed on multiple fronts. Initially, he wanted to prevent his right-wing, extremist coalition from collapsing, even at the expense of most Israelis. As early as May 2024, many prioritized the return of captives over the continuation of war. Netanyahu's eventual concession was not driven by internal pressure, but by the stark realization that he could no longer win.
The political crisis that had been brewing in Israel reached a breaking point as Netanyahu's administration scrambled to navigate the growing discontent. In an article published soon after the ceasefire announcement, Yedioth Ahronoth declared Netanyahu politically defeated, while his Chief of Staff, Herzi Halevi, was blamed for military failure.
In reality, Netanyahu has failed on both fronts. Military generals repeatedly urged him to end the war, believing Israel had achieved tactical victories in Gaza. During the war, Israel's political and social crises deepened.
Netanyahu, at the helm, resorted to his old tactics. Instead of demonstrating true leadership, he engaged in political manipulation, lied when it suited him, threatened those who refused to follow his rules and deflected personal responsibility. Meanwhile, the Israeli public became increasingly disillusioned with the war's direction and frustrated with Netanyahu and his coalition.
In the end, the entire Kafkaesque structure of Israeli governance collapsed. The failure to manage both the political crisis and the military strategy left Israel's leadership weakened and increasingly isolated from the public.
Of course, Netanyahu will not give up easily. He will likely attempt to satisfy Ben-Gvir by insisting that Israel retains the right to return to war at any time. He will likely enable Smotrich to expand illegal settlements in the West Bank and may try to redeem the military's reputation by escalating operations there.
These actions may buy Netanyahu some time, but they will not last. The majority of Israelis now seek new elections. While previous elections have ignored Palestinians, the next election will be almost entirely defined by the Gaza war and its aftermath.
Israel is now facing the reality of a political and military failure on a scale previously unimaginable. Netanyahu's handling of the situation will be remembered as a key moment in the country's history, and its consequences will continue to affect Israeli society for years to come.
Netanyahu's departure from the political stage seems inevitable—whether because of the war's outcome, the next elections or simply due to illness and old age. However, the material and psychological impacts of the Gaza war on Israeli society will remain, and they are likely to have irreversible consequences. These effects could potentially threaten the survival of Israel itself.
– Ramzy Baroud is a journalist and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is "Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak out". Dr. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
The post Gaza Ceasefire at Last: How Israel's 'First Defeat' Will Shape the Country's Future appeared first on Palestine Chronicle.
