Aletho News

1. Iran Checkmates US Warmongers, Offers Scholarships for Students Expelled for Protesting Gaza War

By Ilya Tsukanov – Sputnik – 01.05.2024

Over 1,200 students at universities across the US have been arrested to date as police moved to violently disperse campus protests calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. The past week and a half has seen students put on probation, suspended, and in rare cases even expelled from some of America's most prestigious educational institutions.

Iran's Shiraz University is offering scholarships for American and European students facing expulsion for taking part in the wave of anti-war and pro-Palestine protests rocking Western universities.

"Students and even professors who have been expelled or threatened with expulsion can continue their studies at Shiraz University and I think that other universities in Shiraz as well as Fars Province are also prepared [to provide similar conditions]," Shiraz University head Mohammad Moazzeni said at a gathering of university students and professors.

Expressing solidarity with students over the bravery they have displayed, Moazzeni blasted Western countries' police forces' harsh treatment of the protesters, saying it exposes the true nature of Western civilization.

"They exert a lot of violence in order to contain this raging movement and have even threatened to expel the students from universities and hinder their employment in the future, and such autocratic methods show the decline of the global arrogance," Moazzeni said, using the term Iranian officials and military commanders often use to refer to the US and Israel.

Situated in southern Iran, Shiraz University is recognized in rankings as one of the Islamic Republic's top educational institutions. Its agricultural sciences and water resources programs presently rank among the top 100 in the world.

Nearly 100,000 foreign students from over 90 countries already study at Iranian universities each year. In 2022, Iranian Organization of Student Affairs deputy-head Mohammad Javad Salmanpour said Iran has the capacity to increase its contingent of foreign students to 250,000 by the year 2026.

Iran is home to over 170 public universities, and some 700 private schools, with its educational institutions boasting strong science, research and technology, health and medical education, engineering, agricultural and animal sciences, Persian literature, Islamic studies, and management programs.

Last year, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute ranked Iran among its top ten powers in critical technology research, with the Islamic Republic touted as a global leader in six of 44 critical technologies – making up between four and seven percent of publications in areas including nanoscale and advanced composite materials and manufacturing, smart materials, advanced aircraft engines, air-independent propulsion, novel antibiotics and antivirals, and biofuels.

Over 1,200 students, faculty and staff at universities across the United States have been arrested to date in anti-Gaza war protests, with police cracking down on protesters demanding a ceasefire, and an end to US military, financial and diplomatic support for Israel's operations. Students are also calling on their schools to condemn Israel's military campaign, to divest from companies linked to Israel, and to discontinue study abroad programs at Israeli universities.

Columbia University warned Tuesday that it would expel students who took over a building, barricaded its entrances and unfurled a Palestinian flag and a "Free Palestine" [banner] from a window. Elsewhere, including Yale, the University of Southern California, and the University of Minnesota, students and staff have faced arrests, suspensions and probation.

In an address on Iranian National Teacher's Day Wednesday, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said that crackdown on pro-peace and pro-Palestine rallies in the US proves the correctness of Tehran's policy vis-à-vis Washington. "This matter has revealed to everyone that the US is complicit in the crimes committed by the Zionists in the massacre of the Gazans, which is an unforgivable sin. [The US government] might say something that seems they are showing sympathy at times, but it's all a lie. This has proven the [correctness of the] Islamic Republic's stance, negative outlook and lack of trust in the US government," he said.

2. Israeli truce offer ‘fails to address’ Hamas’ main terms: Report

The Cradle | May 1, 2024

Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar published on 1 May what it says is the document detailing the latest Egyptian–Israeli proposal for a truce and prisoner exchange in the Gaza Strip.

The Al-Akhbar report details the "basic principles for an agreement between the Israeli side and the Palestinian side in Gaza on the exchange of detainees and prisoners between the two sides and the return of sustainable calm."

The initiative is made up of three stages.

The first stage lasts 40 days and calls for a temporary cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of Israeli troops "eastward and away from densely populated areas" towards the border in all areas of Gaza. Israel would cease aerial surveillance of the strip for eight hours a day, and 10 hours on days when prisoners are released.

It also calls for the return of some of the displaced civilians to their homes. Israeli troops would withdraw from Al-Rashid Street to the east near Salah al-Din Street, and the Netzarim Corridor in a manner that allows the delivery of aid and the return of the displaced to their homes.

Israel would allow 500 aid trucks to enter the strip each day, including 250 for the north and 50 fuel trucks. The fuel will be used to operate power stations and equipment for clearing rubble. Efforts to renovate hospitals and bakeries will be ongoing throughout the three stages of the initiative.

Hamas must release at least 33 living Israeli prisoners, including female soldiers, children under the age of 19, the elderly, the sick, and the injured.

For every Israeli female or child released by Hamas, Israel should release 20 minors and female Palestinian prisoners. For every elderly, sick, and injured prisoner, Israel would have to release 20 prisoners over 50 years of age who are also sick and injured, as long as they are not serving a sentence of over 10 years.

For every female soldier released by Hamas, Israel would have to release 20 prisoners serving a life sentence, and another 20 serving up to 10 years, who could be released to Gaza or abroad.

Hamas would provide a list of up to 20 prisoners it wants to be released.

After 16 days, indirect negotiations on a deal to restore "sustainable calm" will take place.

The second stage, lasting 42 days, will see the arrangements for "sustainable calm," along with the remaining prisoner exchanges. It also calls for preparation for an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and the reconstruction of the strip.

The third stage calls for exchanges of bodies from both sides, a five-year reconstruction plan, and a Palestinian vow to refrain from "reconstructing military infrastructure and facilities, and not importing any equipment, raw materials, or other components used for military purposes."

Al-Akhbar notes in another report released the same day that the initiative falls short of Hamas' demand for a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from the strip. Israeli forces are already not present in residential and densely populated areas, where the truce paper says Israel must withdraw from.

The initiative also fails to guarantee a full and permanent ceasefire, another of the resistance group's main terms.

"The problem with the mediators in the file of negotiations with the resistance in Gaza is that they act from the position that the enemy is the victor, and that the resistance is in a weak position that requires it to concede and accept whatever is offered to it," Al-Akhbar writes.

Hamas has not yet issued a formal response to the proposal.

3. Israeli settlers attack Jordanian aid convoys heading to Gaza

Israelis block trucks carrying humanitarian aid for the Gaza Strip, in the coastal city of Ashdod, February 1, 2024. (AFP photo)

Press TV – May 1, 2024

Jordan's Foreign Ministry has said two Jordanian aid convoys carrying food and flour have been attacked by Israeli settlers on their way into the besieged Gaza Strip.

The convoys, one taking the Beit Hanoon crossing and another taking the Karem Abu Salem crossing into Gaza, were targeted by the settlers on Wednesday morning.

The assailants dumped some of their cargo and damaged the trucks.

The Jordanian ministry strongly condemned the assault and held the Israeli authorities fully responsible for the crime.

Jordan News Agency (Petra) reported that the "failure of the Israeli authorities to provide protection" for the convoys undermine the regime's "claims and commitments to allowing aid to enter Gaza."

Israeli settlers have been repeatedly blocking the humanitarian aid trucks heading to Gaza.

The settlers are calling on the regime to prevent the flow of aid supplies to the besieged strip, despite signs of famine across the territory.

People in Gaza are dehydrated and suffering from malnutrition.

The vast majority of humanitarian convoys have been inspected by the Israeli military in order to guarantee that there is no kind of material that can be smuggled into the besieged Palestinian territory.

A senior Hamas official has said any ceasefire in Gaza needs to be permanent. The senior official said reaching a ceasefire deal could not be at any cost.

Meanwhile, Benjamin Netanyahu has pledged that the invasion of the southernmost city of Rafah would go ahead as planned.

4. Workers, trade unionists mobilise to block arms supply sites in the UK

MEMO | May 1, 2024

Workers and trade unionists shut down major UK sites involved in arms supplies to Israel this morning in response to a call to mobilise from Palestinian trade unions for workers to take action.

United under the banner "Workers for a Free Palestine" (WFFP), over 1,000 staffers and trade unionists blockaded the UK Department for Business and Trade in London and three BAE Systems' arms factories in Wales, Scotland and North-West England to mark International Workers' Day.

Today marks the 208th day of Israel's ongoing bombing campaign in Gaza, which has seen over 35,000 Palestinians killed. The British Government has not implemented an arms embargo on Israel, in contrast to actions taken by its allies, including Canada, the Netherlands, Japan, Spain and Belgium. In response, British workers are engaging in direct action by initiating their own embargo against arms supplies to Israel.

A trade unionist and organiser for WFFP taking part in the London blockade, Tania, said: "If arms company bosses and Britain's political elite won't impose an arms embargo, we, the workers, will enforce it from below."

"In our most disruptive action yet, a wave of People's Arms Embargoes is sweeping across England, Scotland and Wales on May Day, as workers and trade unionists shut down arms factories and a government which enables this genocide profiteering and makes the UK directly complicit in these crimes against humanity."

The blockade at the Department for Business and Trade was organised in support of civil servants who have urged the government to "cease work immediately" on arms export licences to Israel, citing concerns that the administration is complicit in war crimes being committed in Gaza. Their union, the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS), is considering legal measures to protect its members from being compelled to engage in unlawful acts.

The establishment of these "People's Arms Embargoes" across the UK coincides with a recent decision by a High Court judge to allow a legal challenge against UK arms exports to Israel to proceed, with a hearing scheduled for later this year.

This surge of activism also comes in the wake of a letter signed by 600 lawyers, academics,and retired senior judges, including former Supreme Court justices, which cautions that the UK government's ongoing arms sales to Israel may violate international law, referencing the International Court of Justice (ICJ)'s finding that Israel's actions in Gaza could constitute genocide.

"When Israel massacres entire families and razes cities to the ground, companies like Elbit Systems, BAE, Leonardo, Thales and Raytheon make vast profits. When we see hospitals turned into mass graves of over 300 people and many of those killed having been stripped of their clothes and had their hands and feet tied, the knowledge that British-made weapons which enable such atrocities are being manufactured on my doorstep makes me feel complicit," said Aisha, a community worker blockading the arms factory in the north of England.

Aisha added: "I'm taking this action because I simply can't stomach arms to Israel's murderous regime being supplied in our name by companies which are subsidised by our taxes – if the company bosses and the government continue to refuse to listen to us, we will keep shutting them down and impose our own arms embargoes."

Three British aid workers were killed in early April in an Israeli drone strike, parts of which were manufactured in the UK, highlighting the significant impact of UK-made arms in the attacks on Gaza. Since 2015, the UK has authorised arms sales to Israel totalling £487 million ($608 million), a figure that excludes weapons exported under open licences. Additionally, a considerable amount of US military aid is funnelled to Israel via a British air force base in Cyprus, while British military forces have conducted surveillance flights over Gaza to assist Israel's ongoing military offensive.

5. Rights group urges probe into Israeli arms that ‘turn victims to ash’

The Cradle | May 1, 2024

The Geneva-based Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor (Euro-Med) released a report on 30 April urging an investigation into Israel's potential use of illegal thermal weapons.

"An international committee of experts must be established to look into the weapons Israel has been using as part of its genocide in the Gaza Strip … including the potential use of bombs that produce such high heat that victims' bodies evaporate," the Euro-Med report said.

The rights group cites testimonies received from Gaza which revealed a "horrific new level of killing in the Strip." The bodies of Palestinian victims appear to have been vaporized by the weapons Israel used against residential buildings.

"Thousands of victims remain missing, either because it was impossible to recover them from under the debris in light of insufficient equipment and technical know-how, or because their bodies were either hidden by the Israeli army or no longer exist," the Euro-Med report reads.

The report continues to say, "A number of the victims killed in these horrifying Israeli raids on residential buildings have vanished and may have turned to ashes, raising questions about the type of bombs used in the attacks."

Thermobaric weapons, also referred to as vacuum bombs, are two-stage munitions. The first charge disperses a fine aerosol cloud of materials ranging from carbon-based fuel to metal particles. The second charge ignites the materials used, creating a fireball, shock wave, and vacuum as it sucks up the surrounding oxygen.

The blast from these weapons can last significantly longer than conventional explosives, enabling it to vaporize human bodies.

Mass graves in Gaza hospitals previously raided by Israel show that civil defense staff found "bodies without skin," according to Gaza's Government Media Office.

According to the Euro-Med report, "The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, the Geneva Conventions of 1949, and international humanitarian law all forbid the use of thermal bombs against civilians in populated civilian areas. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court also classifies the use of thermal bombs as a war crime."

Israel has also illegally deployed white phosphorus weapons on civilians and civilian infrastructure in Gaza and Lebanon.

According to a Washington Post analysis, the white phosphorus munitions used in Lebanon's south were supplied to Israel by the US.

Palestine's Agricultural Work Committees Union said that Israel intentionally uses chemical weapons on farmlands in the Gaza Strip to contaminate its soil, posing an increased cancer risk to farmers.

The agricultural union's lobbying director, Moayyad Bsharat, also points to Washington as the supplier of such munitions to Tel Aviv in an interview with Anadolu Agency.

Bsharat stressed how chemical attacks render Gaza's soil unusable for five years, and effectively harm its food security and public health.

6. Report of the Independent Task Force on National Security Memorandum-20 Regarding Israel

By Noura Erakat and Josh Paul | Just Security | April 24, 2024

In early February, we formed the Independent Task Force on the Application of National Security Memorandum-20 to Israel, whose report we provided to the Biden Administration on April 18. The National Security Memorandum 20 (NSM-20), adopted by President Joe Biden, directs the Department of State to seek assurances from partners involved in conflict and receiving U.S. military grant assistance that they would abide by U.S. and international law and also requires the Departments of State and Defense to report to Congress within 90 days on the extent to which such partners are abiding by their assurances.

Though delegated as a task to the Executive Branch, the administration's disregard for credible media reporting as well as recommendations from its own experts within the State Department, alleging Israeli abuses, catalyzed us to act.

The Task Force, which has worked on a voluntary basis, consists of experts on U.S. and international law, U.S. security assistance, and U.S. military best practices. For the past two months, we have combed through thousands of lines of data from credible nongovernmental organizations, ranging from human rights watchdogs to aid organizations working on the ground in Gaza.

The final report features sixteen clear, credible, and compelling incidents that should certainly be included in the administration's upcoming reporting to Congress as well as an 18-page appendix of additional incidents worthy of examination. It also identifies multiple restrictions on humanitarian assistance, including strikes by the IDF, that trigger Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act (which bars military assistance to states impeding U.S. humanitarian aid) and should be reportable to Congress by the Departments of State and/or Defense under the terms of NSM-20.

Our findings were striking. Though Israel has attributed the 34,000 Palestinian casualties, 70 percent of whom are women and children, to alleged human shielding by Hamas, we found that in 11 out of the 16 incidents we analyzed, Israel did not even publicly identity a military target or attempt to justify the strike. Of the remaining five incidents, Israel publicly named targets with verification in two incidents, but no precautionary warning was given and we assess the anticipated civilian harm was known and excessive.

In one of the worst incidents in a strike on Gaza City on October 25, 2023, Israel nearly flattened the entire neighborhood of Al Yarmouk, including seven residential towers. In just the Al Taj residential tower, the bombing killed 91 Palestinians, including 28 women and 39 children. Israel's only explanation was that a Hamas tunnel ran beneath the neighborhood. Not only did this attack disregard the duty to take precautionary measures and the duty to refrain from an attack where the civilian harm exceeds the military objective to be achieved, it suggests that Israel had the authority to bomb nearly all of Gaza in similar fashion which lay above 350 miles of subterranean tunnels.

Aware of the controversial terrain of international humanitarian law in asymmetric warfare, two-thirds of our report documents violations under applicable U.S. law or policy, including civilian harm mitigation in U.S. military best practices and Section 620I of the Foreign Assistance Act mandating no military support be given to states restricting access to humanitarian aid. In his analysis, our expert on U.S. targeting came to the same conclusion as did Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, who said that the U.S. military would "absolutely not" systematically conduct strikes with a well understood high risk of civilian casualties, as the IDF have continuously.   

Our aggregate data demonstrates a broader context of systematic disregard for fundamental principles of U.S. and international law, due to reliance on the steady and sure flow of U.S. armaments. According to a high ranking former IDF officer, Israel's combat could have achieved similar military outcomes "with 10 percent of the destruction [Israel has] caused." He attributes this "reckless conduct" to" an absolute assumption that the U.S. will continue to arm and finance [Israel's military operations]." Indeed, since October 7, the United States has approved over 100 Foreign Military Sales arms transfers to Israel, two of them using an emergency authority to bypass Congressional review, and none of them accompanied by any conditions or "red lines" on usage despite conditionality inherent in U.S. laws and policies.

Our findings echo the concerns recently articulated by forty House Democrats, including Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), who have demanded that Biden halt weapons transfers to Israel. As their letter noted, "it is critical to ensure that the U.S. government is fully utilizing the expertise of State Department and DoD officials and legal experts, [including] important intelligence community assessments and data, in thoroughly assessing Israel's actions in Gaza."

It is our hope the Task Force's work facilitates the drafting efforts currently under way within the administration to meet the reporting requirements of NSM-20, resulting in the overdue enforcement of applicable U.S. law as it relates to arms transfers and security assistance, and using all available means to remove all restrictions on the flow of humanitarian assistance into Gaza.

The mounting evidence before the Biden administration now pales only in comparison to the humanitarian crisis afflicting Palestinians in Gaza. As the Task Force's work demonstrates, the facts could not be more clear. It is now up to the Biden administration to act on them.

7. Russia Shatters NATO’s Illusory Might With Display of Trophy Armor at Moscow’s Victory Park

By Ilya Tsukanov – Sputnik – 01.05.2024

NATO countries sent tens of billions of dollars' worth of some of their best military hardware to Ukraine in an attempt to "weaken" Russia in a grueling proxy war. Destroying the equipment by the hundreds, Russia added insult to injury by putting trophy NATO weapons on display before its main memorial dedicated to the victory over Nazi Germany.

The open-air exhibition of foreign weapons and military equipment at Moscow's Victory Park is shaping up to become perhaps Russia's greatest psychological and public relations coup in the Ukrainian proxy war with NATO so far.

Dozens of captured vehicles and pieces of weaponry from twelve countries (most of them – members of the bloc) have been put on display, from a Leopard-2 tank, Marder and Bradley IFVs to Humvee, Husky and MRAP vehicles, an M777 towed howitzer, and more exotic equipment, like a French AMX-10RC wheeled tank.

Where possible, equipment has been restored to working or semi-working condition, and plastered with flags to give visitors a sense of the countries which have contributed most to the West's proxy war against Russia over the past two years. Information stands provide data on the equipment's manufacturers, their technical and tactical characteristics, and the location and circumstances in which they fell into Russian troops' hands.

The exhibition serves as a visual and tactile confirmation of sentiments which first became evident last fall, after the catastrophic failure of Ukraine's NATO-armed and trained armies to breach Russian defenses in Zaporozhye, Kherson and the Donbass in a much-touted summer counteroffensive.

That campaign bled Ukrainian and allied mercenary forces white, and debunked the decades-old myth that emerged in the 80s, 90s and 2000s on the back of Tom Clancy novels and NATO wars of aggression against smaller countries like Yugoslavia and Iraq about the superiority of Western military equipment over its Soviet and Russian analogues. During the scorching summer of 2023, Russian forces demonstrated that the Western alliance's technologically sophisticated weaponry could be destroyed, damaged or captured just as readily as Ukraine's Soviet-era equipment.

The trophy weapons exhibition's location is also significant – situated in Victory Park at Poklonnaya Hill, a memorial complex dedicated to the USSR's victory over Nazi Germany in the Great Patriotic War. The site also happens to be the place where Napoleon Bonaparte stood in 1812 before entering the Russian capital during the first Patriot War with France.

The Victory Park Museum already features an open-air exposition of Soviet and Axis weaponry that was captured during the Second World War. Now, 79 years after Nazi Germany's capitulation on May 9, 1945, the complex has been topped up with new, modern weaponry, fresh from the battlefield and this time belonging to NATO.

Important Gesture

"This is a gesture – we are demonstrating our strength, and in some areas superiority, by flaunting this NATO hardware, not only to our own people, but to the West," Alexei Podberezkin, director of the Center of Military-Political Studies at Russia's prestigious MGIMO University, told Sputnik, commenting on the Victory Park display.

The exhibition serves as "an illustration of what will happen next with the equipment that is being sent to Ukraine, including those new weapons which are starting to arrive now, including Abrams tanks, ATACMS missiles, and much, much more," Podberezkin emphasized.

Earl Rasmussen, a 20-year US Army veteran-turned independent military and foreign affairs commentator, agrees that the display is designed "to send a signal to the West."

"[It signals] that Russia is there, they're capable, their military is capable. They've destroyed almost the equivalent of three Ukrainian armies so far. And they will continue to do so. So whatever the West sends, those weapons will be destroyed," the retired lieutenant colonel said.

"The weapons, ammunition… the production capability, the logistical capability – it's all on the side of Russia. It's superior in that area. It has escalation dominance. There is air superiority and tactical superiority as well. Time is on their side. And all this does [continuing the proxy war, ed.] is drain the West more and more and more. It's a sad affair, I think for the Western public, unfortunately. And they're being lied to by their own leaders," Rasmussen added.

The exhibit is basically "an embarrassment to the West," adding insult to injury regarding the tens of billions of dollars that have been wasted in Ukraine, the soldier said. "In any case, it shows basically that the aid packages" being provided by Western countries "are not going to change the outcome of the war, and will be essentially just a waste in funds and, unfortunately, both Ukrainian and Russian lives."

NATO Hardware Not Wunderwaffe

The display is also another apt and timely reminder to the West that its military technology, including Leopards, Abrams, Bradleys, etc. are not the "miracle weapons" they were hyped to be ahead of Ukraine's much-touted counteroffensive last year, which ran into the wall of well-prepared Russian defenses, Podberezkin said.

"This equipment proved to be no better, and often worse, than our weapons, both Soviet and Russian, in the arena of combat. And once again it was demonstrated that conflicts are fought not only with steel, but by people, first of all commanders, the military leaders who give orders and think about how to use these weapons most effectively," Podberezkin said.

"I would really enjoy going through it as well, and think I would learn a lot from it," Rasmussen said of the exhibition, adding that he predicts the display may be visited by international visitors, including individuals from countries asking questions about the utility of purchasing much-hyped and pricey Western military equipment vs. Russian-made hardware.

In any case, the American observer is confident that Russian military engineers and defense scientists have already gone through the equipment with a fine-tooth comb, analyzing armor capability, sensors, communications and targeting capabilities and equipment, their interoperability characteristics, etc.

"There is a lot of information Russia already probably knows. And a lot of highly classified, highly sensitive type of capability, information fusion, other sensors, other additional sensor capability, active armor capability may not have been provided to Ukraine as well. So there will be limits on what the Russian engineers will be able to discover. But it definitely provides a basis to fill some gaps. I'm sure that the engineers and designers have made it so they can turn around and readily modify Russian equipment to counter any capabilities that they haven't already addressed," Rasmussen concluded.

8. What 10 Years of U.S. Meddling in Ukraine Have Wrought (Spoiler Alert: Not Democracy)

By Aaron Maté | RealClearInvestigations | April 30, 2024

In successfully lobbying Congress for an additional $61 billion in Ukraine war funding, an effort that ended this month with celebratory Democrats waving Ukrainian flags in the House chamber, President Biden has cast his administration's standoff with Russia as an existential test for democracy.

"What makes our moment rare is that freedom and democracy are under attack, both at home and overseas," Biden declared in his State of the Union address in March. "History is watching, just like history watched three years ago on January 6th."

While Biden's narrative is widely accepted by Washington's political establishment, a close examination of the president and his top principals' record dating back to the Obama administration reveals a different picture. Far from protecting democracy from Kyiv to Washington, their role in Ukraine looks more like epic meddling resulting in political upheaval for both countries.

Over the last decade, Ukraine has been the battleground in a proxy war between the U.S. and Russia – a conflict massively escalated by the Kremlin's invasion in 2022. The fight erupted in early 2014, when Biden and his team, then serving in the Obama administration, supported the overthrow of Ukraine's elected president, Viktor Yanukovych. Leveraging billions of dollars in U.S. assistance, Washington has shaped the personnel and policies of subsequent Ukrainian governments, all while expanding its military and intelligence presence in Ukraine via the CIA and NATO. During this period, Ukraine has not become an independent self-sustaining democracy, but a client state heavily dependent on European and U.S. support, which has not protected it from the ravages of war.

The Biden-Obama team's meddling in Ukraine has also had a boomerang effect at home.

As well-connected Washington Beltway insiders such as Hunter Biden have exploited it for personal enrichment, Ukraine has become a source of foreign interference in the U.S. political system – with questions of unsavory dealings arising in the 2016 and 2020 elections as well as the first impeachment of Donald Trump. After years of secrecy, CIA sources have only recently confirmed that Ukrainian intelligence helped generate the Russian interference allegations that engulfed Trump's presidency. House Democrats' initial attempt to impeach Trump, undertaken in the fall of 2019, came in response to his efforts to scrutinize Ukraine's Russiagate connection.

This account of U.S. interference in Ukraine, which can be traced to fateful decisions made by the Obama administration, including then-Vice President Biden and his top aides, is based on often overlooked public disclosures. It also relies on the personal testimony of Andrii Telizhenko, a former Ukrainian diplomat and Democratic Party-tied political consultant who worked closely with U.S. officials to promote regime change in Ukraine.

Although he once welcomed Washington's influence in Ukraine, Telizhenko now takes a different view. "I'm a Ukrainian who knew how Ukraine was 30 years ago, and what it became today," he says. "For me, it's a total failed state." In his view, Ukraine has been "used directly by the United States to fight a [proxy] war with Russia" and "as a rag to make money for people like Biden and his family."

The State Department has accused Telizhenko being part of a "Russia-linked foreign influence network." In Sept. 2020 it revoked his visa to travel to the United States. Telizhenko, who now lives in a western European country where he was granted political asylum, denies working with Russia and says that he is a whistleblower speaking out to expose how U.S. interference has ravaged his country. RealClearInvestigations has confirmed that he worked closely with top American officials while they advanced policies aimed at severing Ukraine's ties to Russia. No official contacted for this article – including former CIA chief John Brennan and senior State Department official Victoria Nuland – disputed any of his claims.

A Coup in 'Full Coordination' With the U.S.

The Biden team's path to influencing Ukraine began with the eruption of anti-government unrest in November 2013. That month, protesters began filling Kyiv's Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square) after then-President Viktor Yanukovych, a notoriously corrupt leader, delayed signing a European Union (EU) trade pact. To members of what came to be known as the Maidan movement, Yanukovych's decision was a betrayal of his pledge to strengthen Western ties, and a worrying sign of Russian allegiance in a country haunted by its Soviet past.

The reality was more complex. Yanukovych was hoping to maintain relations with both Russia and Europe – and use competition between them to Ukraine's advantage. He also worried that the EU's terms, which demanded reduced trade with Russia, would alienate his political base in the east and south, home to millions of ethnic Russians. As the International Crisis Group noted, these Yanukovych-supporting Ukrainians feared that the EU terms "would hurt their livelihoods, a large number of which were tied to trade and close relations with Russia." Despite claims that the Maidan movement represented a "popular revolution," polls from that period showed that Ukrainians were evenly split on it, or even majority opposed.

After an initial period of peaceful protest, the Maidan movement was soon co-opted by nationalist forces, which encouraged a violent insurrection for regime change. Leading Maidan's hardline contingent was Oleh Tyahnybok of the Svoboda party, who had once urged his supporters to fight what he called the "Muscovite-Jewish mafia running Ukraine." Tyahnybok's followers were joined by Right Sector, a coalition of ultra-nationalist groups whose members openly sported Nazi insignia. One year before, the European Parliament condemned Svoboda for "racist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic views" and urged Ukrainian political parties "not to associate with, endorse or form coalitions with this party."

Powerful figures in Washington took a different view: For them, the Maidan movement represented an opportunity to achieve a longtime goal of pulling Ukraine into the Western orbit. Given Ukraine's historical ties to Russia, its integration with the West could also be used to undermine the rule of Russian President Vladimir Putin.

As the-late Zbigniew Brzezinski, the influential former national security adviser to President Jimmy Carter, once wrote: "Without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire." Two months before the Kyiv protests erupted, Carl Gershman, head of the National Endowment for Democracy, dubbed Ukraine "the biggest prize" in the West's rivalry with Russia. Absorbing Ukraine, Gershman explained, could leave Putin "on the losing end not just in the near abroad" – i.e, its former Soviet satellites – "but within Russia itself." Shortly after, senior State Department official Nuland boasted that the U.S. had "invested more than $5 billion" to help pro-Western "civil society" groups achieve a "secure and prosperous and democratic Ukraine."

Seeking to capitalize on the unrest, U.S. figures including Nuland, Republican Sen. John McCain, and Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy visited Maidan Square. In a show of support for the movement's hardline faction, which went beyond supporting the EU trade deal to demand Yanukovych's ouster, the trio met privately with Tyahnybok and appeared with him on stage. The senators' mission, Murphy said, was to "bring about a peaceful transition here."

The Maidan Movement's most significant U.S. endorsement came from then-Vice President Joe Biden. "Nothing would have greater impact for securing our interests and the world's interests in Europe than to see a democratic, prosperous, and independent Ukraine in the region," Biden said.

According to Andrii Telizhenko, a former Ukrainian government official who worked closely with Western officials during this period, the U.S. government's role went far beyond those high-profile displays of solidarity.

"As soon as it grew into something, into the bigger Maidan, in the beginning of December, it basically was full coordination with the U.S. Embassy," Telizhenko recalls. "Full, full."

When the protests erupted, Telizhenko was working as an adviser to a Ukrainian member of Parliament. Having spent part of his youth in Canada and the United States, Telizhenko's fluent English and Western connections landed him a position helping to oversee the Maidan Movement's international relations. In this role, he organized meetings with and coordinated security arrangements for foreign visitors, including U.S. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt, Nuland, and McCain. Most of their briefings were held at Kyiv's Trade Unions Building, the movement's de-facto headquarters in the city's center.

Telizhenko says Pyatt routinely coordinated with Maidan leaders on protest strategy. In one encounter, the ambassador observed Right Sector members assembling Molotov cocktails that would later be thrown at riot police attempting to enter the building. Sometimes, the U.S. ambassador disapproved of his counterparts' tactics. "The U.S. embassy would criticize if something would happen more radical than it was supposed to go by plan, because it's bad for the picture," Telizhenko said.

That winter was marked by a series of escalating clashes. On February 20, 2014, snipers fatally shot dozens of protesters in Maidan square. Western governments attributed the killings to Yanukovych's forces. But an intercepted phone call between NATO officials told a different story.

In the recorded conversation, Estonian foreign minister Urmas Paet told EU foreign secretary Catherine Ashton that he believed pro-Maidan forces were behind the slaughter. In Kyiv, Paet reported, "there is now stronger and stronger understanding that behind the snipers, it was not Yanukovych, but it was somebody from the new [opposition] coalition."

In a bid to resolve the Maidan crisis and avoid more bloodshed, European officials brokered a compromise between Yanukovich and the opposition. The Feb. 21 deal called for a new national unity government that would keep him in office, with reduced powers, until early elections at year's end. It also called for the disarmament of the Maidan forces and a withdrawal of riot police. Holding up its end of the bargain, government security forces pulled back. But the Maidan encampment's ultra-nationalist contingent had no interest in compromise.

"We don't want to see Yanukovych in power," Maidan Movement squadron leader Vladimir Parasyuk declared that same day. "… And unless this morning you come up with a statement demanding that he steps down, then we will take arms and go, I swear."

In insisting on regime change, the far-right contingent was also usurping the leadership of more moderate opposition leaders such as Vitali Klitschko, who supported the power-sharing agreement.

"The goal was to overthrow the government," Telizhenko says. "That was the first goal. And it was all green-lighted by the U.S. Embassy. They basically supported all this, because they did not tell them to stop. If they told them [Maidan leaders] to stop, they would stop."

Yet another leaked phone call bolstered suspicions that the U.S. endorsed regime change. On the recording, presumably intercepted in January by Russian or Ukrainian intelligence, Nuland and Pyatt discussed their choice of leaders in a proposed power-sharing government with Yanukovich. Their conversation showed that the U.S. exerted considerable influence with the faction  seeking the Ukrainian president's ouster.

Tyahnybok, the openly antisemitic head of Svodova, would be a "problem" in office, Nuland worried, and better "on the outside." Klitschko, the more moderate Maidan member, was ruled out as well. "I don't think Klitsch should go into government," Nuland said. "I don't think it's necessary. I don't think it's a good idea." One reason was Klitschko's proximity to the European Union. Despite her government's warm words for the European Union in public, Nuland told Pyatt: "Fuck the EU."

The two U.S. officials settled on technocrat Arseniy Yatsenyuk. "I think Yats is the guy," Nuland said. By that point, Yatsenyuk had endorsed violent insurrection. The government's rejection of Maidan demands, he said, meant that "people had acquired the right to move from non-violent to violent means of protest."

The only outstanding matter, Pyatt relayed, was securing "somebody with an international personality to come out here and help to midwife this thing." Nuland replied that Vice President Joe Biden and his senior aide, Jake Sullivan, who now serves as Biden's National Security Adviser, had signed on to provide "an atta-boy and to get the deets [details] to stick."

Just hours after the power-sharing agreement was reached, Nuland's wishes were granted. Yanukovich, no longer protected by his armed forces, fled the capital. Emboldened by their sabotage of an EU-brokered power-sharing truce, Maidan Movement members stormed the Ukrainian Parliament and pushed through the formation of a new government. In violation of parliamentary rules on impeachment proceedings, and lacking a sufficient quorum, Oleksandr Turchynov was named the new acting president. The Nuland-backed Yatsenyuk was appointed Prime Minister.

In a reflection of their influence, at least five post-coup cabinet posts in national security, defense, and law enforcement were given to members of Svoboda and its far-right ally Right Sector.

"The uncomfortable truth is that a sizeable portion of Kyiv's current government – and the protesters who brought it to power – are, indeed, fascists," wrote Andrew Foxall, now a British defense official, and Oren Kessler, a Tel Aviv-based analyst, in Foreign Policy the following month. While denying any role in Yanukovich's ouster, the Obama administration immediately endorsed it, as Secretary of State John Kerry expressed "strong support" for the new government.

In his memoir, former senior Obama aide Ben Rhodes acknowledged that Nuland and Pyatt "sounded as if they were picking a new government as they evaluated different Ukrainian leaders." Rather than dispel that impression, he acknowledged that some of the Maidan "leaders received grants from U.S. democracy promotion programs."

In 2012, one pro-Maidan group, Center UA, received most of its more than $500,000 in donations from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the National Endowment for Democracy, eBay founder Pierre Omidyar, and financier George Soros.

By its own count, Soros' International Renaissance Foundation spent over $109 million in Ukraine between 2004 and 2014. In leaked documents, a former IRF board member even bragged that its partners "were the main driving force and the foundation of the Maidan movement," and that without Soros' funding, "the revolution might not have succeeded." Weeks after the coup, an IRF strategy document noted, "Like during the Maidan protests, IRF representatives are in the midst of Ukraine's transition process."

Jeffrey Sachs, a Columbia University professor who advised Ukraine on economic policy in the early 1990s, visited Kyiv shortly after the coup to consult with the new government.

"I was taken around the Maidan where people were still milling around," Sachs recalls. "And the American NGOs were around there, and they were describing to me: 'Oh we paid for this, we paid for that. We funded this insurrection.' It turned my stomach." Sachs believes that these groups were acting at the behest of U.S. intelligence. To go about "funding this uprising," he says, "they didn't do that on their own as nice NGOs. This is off-budget financing for a U.S. regime-change operation."

Weeks after vowing to bring about a "transition" in Ukraine, Sen. Murphy openly took credit for it. "I really think that the clear position of the United States has in part been what has helped lead to this change in regime," Murphy said. "I think it was our role, including sanctions and threats of sanctions, that forced, in part, Yanukovych from office."

The Proxy War Gets Hot

Far from resolving the unrest, Viktor Yanukovych's ouster plunged Ukraine into a war.

Just days after the Ukrainian president fled to Moscow, Russian special forces stormed Crimea's local parliament. The following month, Russia annexed Crimea following a hasty, militarized referendum denounced by Ukraine, the U.S., and much of the world. While these objections were well-founded, Western surveys of Crimeans nonetheless found majority support for Russian annexation.

Emboldened by the events in Crimea, and hostile to a new government that had overthrown their elected leader Yanukovych, Russophile Ukrainians in the eastern Donbas region followed suit.

On April 6 and 7, anti-Maidan protesters seized government buildings in Donetsk, Luhansk, and Kharkiv. The Donetsk rebels declared the founding of the Donetsk People's Republic. The Luhansk People's Republic followed 20 days later. Both areas announced independence referendums for May 11.

As in Crimea, Moscow backed the Donbas rebellion. But unlike in Crimea, the Kremlin opposed the independence votes. The organizers, Putin said, should "hold off on the referendum in order to give dialogue the conditions it needs to have a chance."

In public, the Obama administration claimed to also favor dialogue between Kyiv and the Russia-backed rebels in eastern Ukraine. Behind the scenes, a more aggressive plan was brewing.

On April 12, CIA chief John Brennan slipped into the Ukrainian capital for secret meetings with top officials. Russia, whose intelligence services ran a network of informants inside Ukraine, publicly outed Brennan's visit. The Kremlin and Yanukovych directly accused Brennan of encouraging an assault on the Donbas.

The CIA dismissed the allegation as "completely false," and insisted that Brennan supported a "diplomatic solution" as "the only way to resolve the crisis." The following month, Brennan insisted that "I was out there to interact with our Ukrainian partners and friends."

Yet Russia and Yanukovych were not alone in voicing concerns about the CIA chief's covert trip. "What message does it send to have John Brennan, the head of the CIA in Kiev, meeting with the interim government?" Sen. Murphy complained. "Does that not confirm the worst paranoia on the part of the Russians and those who see the Kiev government as essentially a puppet of the West?… It may not be super smart to have Brennan in Kiev, giving the impression that the United States is somehow there to fight a proxy war with Russia."

According to Telizhenko, who attended the Brennan meeting and spoke to RCI on record about it for the first time, that's exactly what the CIA chief was there to do. Contrary to U.S. claims, Telizhenko says, "Brennan gave a green light to use force against Donbas," and discussed "how the U.S. could support it." One day after the meeting, Kyiv announced an "Anti-Terrorist Operation" (ATO) against the Donbas region and began a military assault.

Telizhenko, who was by then working as a senior policy adviser to Vitaliy Yarema, the First Deputy Prime Minister, says he helped arrange the Brennan gathering after getting a phone call from the U.S. embassy. "I was told there was going to be a top secret meeting, with a top U.S. official and that my boss should be there," he recalls. "I was also told not to tell anyone."

Brennan, he recalls, arrived at the Foreign Intelligence Office of Ukraine in a beat-up gray mini-van and a coterie of armed guards. Others in attendance included U.S. Ambassador Pyatt, Acting President Oleksandr Turchynov, foreign intelligence chief Victor Gvozd, and other senior Ukrainian security officials.

After a customary exchange of medals and souvenir trophies, the topic turned to the unrest in the Donbas. "Brennan was talking about how Ukraine should act," Telizhenko says. "A plan to keep Donbas in Ukraine's hands. But Ukraine's army was not fully equipped. We only had stuff in reserves. They discussed plans for the ATO and how to keep Ukraine's military fully armed throughout." Brennan's overall message was that "Russia is behind" the Donbas unrest, and "Ukraine has to take firm, aggressive action to not let this spread all over."

Brennan and Pyatt did not respond to a request for comment.

Two weeks after Brennan's visit, the Obama administration offered yet another high-level endorsement of the Donbas operation when then-Vice President Biden visited Kyiv. With Ukraine facing "unrest and uncertainty," Biden told a group of lawmakers, it now had "a second opportunity to make good on the original promise made by the Orange Revolution" – referring to earlier 2004-2005 post-electoral upheaval that blocked Yanukovych, albeit temporarily, from the presidency.

Looking back, Telizhenko is struck by the contrast between Brennan's bellicosity in Donbas and the Obama administration's lax response to Russia's Crimea grab one month prior.

"After Crimea, they told us not to respond," he said. But beforehand, "the Americans scoffed at warnings" that Ukraine could lose the peninsula. When Ukrainian officials met with Pentagon counterparts in March, "we gave them evidence that the little green men" – the incognito Russian forces who seized Crimea – "were Russians. They dismissed it." Telizhenko now speculates that the U.S. permitted the Crimean takeover to encourage a conflict between Kyiv and Moscow-backed eastern Ukrainians. "I think they wanted Ukraine to hate Russia, and they wanted Russia to take the bait," he said. Had Ukraine acted earlier, he believes, "the Crimea situation could have been stopped."

With Russia in control of Crimea and Ukraine assaulting the Donbas with U.S. backing, the country descended into a full-scale civil war. Thousands were killed and millions displaced in the ensuing conflict. When Ukrainian forces threatened to overrun the Donbas rebels in August 2014, the Kremlin launched a direct military intervention that turned the tide. But rather than offer Ukraine more military assistance, Obama began getting cold feet.

Obama, senior Pentagon official Derek Chollet recalled, was concerned that flooding Ukraine with more weapons would "escalate the crisis" and give "Putin a pretext to go further and invade all of Ukraine."

Rebuffing pressure from within his own Cabinet, Obama promised German Chancellor Angela Merkel in February 2015 that he would not send lethal aid to Ukraine. According to the U.S. Ambassador to Germany, Peter Wittig, Obama agreed with Merkel on the need "to give some space for those diplomatic, political efforts that were under way."

That same month, Obama's commitment gave Merkel the momentum to finalize the Minsk II Accords, a pact between Kyiv and Russian-backed Ukrainian rebels. Under Minsk II, an outmatched Ukrainian government agreed to allow limited autonomy for the breakaway Donbas regions in exchange for the rebels' demilitarization and the withdrawal of their Russian allies.

Inside the White House, Obama's position on Ukraine left him virtually alone. Obama's reluctance to arm Ukraine, Chollet recalled, marked a rare situation "in which just about every senior official was for doing something that the president opposed."

One of those senior officials was the State Department's point person for Ukraine, Victoria Nuland. Along with allied officials and lawmakers, Nuland sought to undermine the Minsk peace pact even before it was signed.

As Germany and France lobbied Moscow and Kyiv to accept a peace deal, Nuland addressed a private meeting of U.S. officials, generals, and lawmakers – including Sen. McCain and future Secretary of State Mike Pompeo – on the sidelines of the annual Munich Security Conference. Dismissing the French-German diplomatic efforts as an act of appeasement, Nuland outlined a strategy to continue the war with a fresh influx of Western arms. Perhaps mindful of the optics of flooding Ukraine with military hardware at a time when the Obama administration was claiming to support to a peace agreement, Nuland offered a public relations suggestion. "I would like to urge you to use the word 'defensive system' to describe what we would be delivering against Putin's offensive systems," Nuland told the gathering.

The Munich meeting underscored that while President Obama may have publicly supported a peace deal in Ukraine, a bipartisan alliance of powerful Washington actors – including his own principals – was determined to stop it. As Foreign Policy magazine reported, "the takeaway for many Europeans … was that Nuland gave short shrift to their concerns about provoking an escalation with Russia and was confusingly out of sync with Obama."

As Nuland and other officials quietly undermined the Minsk accords, the CIA deepened its role in Ukraine. U.S. intelligence sources recently disclosed to the New York Times that the agency has operated 12 secret bases inside Ukraine since 2014. The post-coup government's first new spy chief, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, also revealed that he established a formal partnership with the CIA and MI6 just two days after Yanukovych's ouster.

According to a separate account in the Washington Post, the CIA restructured Ukraine's two main spy services and turned them into U.S. proxies. Starting in 2015, the CIA transformed Ukraine's military intelligence agency, the GUR, so extensively that "we had kind of rebuilt it from scratch," a former intelligence official told the Post. "GUR was our little baby." As a benefit of being the CIA's proxy, the agency even funded new headquarters for the GUR's paramilitary wing and a separate division for electronic espionage.

In a 2016 congressional appearance, Nuland touted the extensive U.S. role in Ukraine. "Since the start of the crisis, the United States has provided over $760 million in assistance to Ukraine, in addition to two $1 billion loan guarantees," Nuland said. U.S. advisers "serve in almost a dozen Ukrainian ministries," and were helping "modernize Ukraine's institutions" of state-owned industries.

Nuland's comments underscored an overlooked irony of the U.S. role in Ukraine: In claiming to defend Ukraine from Russian influence, Ukraine was subsumed by American influence.

Boomeranging Into U.S. Politics 

In the aftermath of the February 2014 coup, the transformation of Ukraine into an American client state soon had a boomerang effect, as maneuvers in that country increasingly impacted U.S. domestic politics.

"Americans are highly visible in the Ukrainian political process," Bloomberg columnist Leonid Bershidsky observed in November 2015. "The U.S. embassy in Kyiv is a center of power, and Ukrainian politicians openly talk of appointments and dismissals being vetted by U.S. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt and even U.S. Vice President Joe Biden."

One of the earliest and best-known cases came in December 2015, when Biden threatened to withhold $1 billion in aid unless Ukraine fired its prosecutor general, Viktor Shokin, whom the vice president claimed was corrupt. When Biden's threat resurfaced as an issue during the 2020 election, the official line, as reported by CNN, was that "the effort to remove Shokin was backed by the Obama administration, European allies" and even some Republicans.

In fact, from Washington's perspective, the campaign for Shokin's ouster marked a change of course. Six months before Biden's visit, Nuland had written Shokin that "We have been impressed with the ambitious reform and anti-corruption agenda of your government."

And as RCI recently reported:

An Oct. 1, 2015, memo summarizing the recommendation of the [U.S.] Interagency Policy Committee on Ukraine stated, "Ukraine has made sufficient progress on its [anti-corruption] reform agenda to justify a third [loan] guarantee." … The next month, moreover, the task force drafted a loan guarantee agreement that did not call for Shokin's removal. Then, in December, Joe Biden flew to Kyiv to demand his ouster.

No one has explained why Shokin suddenly came into the crosshairs. At the time, the prosecutor general was investigating Burisma, a Ukrainian energy firm that was paying Hunter Biden over $80,000 per month to sit on its board.

According to emails obtained from his laptop, Hunter Biden introduced his father to a top Burisma executive less than one year before. Burisma also retained Blue Star Strategies, a D.C. consulting firm that worked closely with Hunter, to help enlist U.S. officials who could pressure the Ukrainian government to drop its criminal probes.

Two senior executives at Blue Star, Sally Painter and Karen Tramontano, formerly worked as top aides to President Bill Clinton.

According to a November 2015 email sent to Hunter by Vadym Pozharsky, a Burisma adviser, the energy firm's desired "deliverables" included visits from "influential current and/or former US policy-makers to Ukraine." The "ultimate purpose" of these visits would be "to close down" any legal cases against the company's owner, Mykola Zlochevsky. One month after that email, Joe Biden visited Ukraine and demanded Shokin's firing.

Telizhenko – who worked in Shokin's office at the time, and later worked for Blue Star – said the evidence contradicts claims that Shokin was fired because of his failure, among other things, to investigate Burisma. "There were four criminal cases opened in 2014 against Burisma, and two more additionally opened by Shokin when he became the Prosecutor General," recalls Telizhenko. "So, whenever anybody says, 'There were no criminal cases, nobody was investigating Burisma, Shokin was fired because he was a bad prosecutor, he didn't do his work' … this was all a lie. No, he did his work."

In a 2023 interview, Hunter Biden's former business partner, Devon Archer, said Shokin was seen as a "threat" to Burisma. Both of Shokin's cases against Burisma were closed after his firing.

Ukraine Meddling vs. Trump

While allegations of Russian interference and collusion would come to dominate the 2016 campaign, the first documented case of foreign meddling originated in Ukraine.

Telizhenko, who served as a political officer at the Ukrainian embassy in Washington, D.C., before joining Blue Star, was an early whistleblower. He went public in January 2017, telling Politico how the Ukrainian embassy worked to help Hillary Clinton's 2016 election campaign and undermine Trump's.

According to Telizhenko, Ukraine's D.C. ambassador, Valeriy Chaly, instructed staffers to shun Trump's campaign because "Hillary was going to win."

Telizhenko says he was told to meet with veteran Democratic operative Alexandra Chalupa, who had also served in the Clinton White House. "The U.S. government and people from the Democratic National Committee are approaching and asking for dirt on a presidential candidate," Telizhenko recalls. "And Chalupa said, 'I want dirt. I just want to get Trump off the elections.'"

Starting in early 2016, U.S. officials leaned on the Ukrainians to investigate Paul Manafort, the GOP consultant who would become Trump's campaign manager, and avoid scrutiny of Burisma, as RCI reported in 2022. "Obama's NSC hosted Ukrainian officials and told them to stop investigating Hunter Biden and start investigating Paul Manafort," a former senior NSC official told RCI. In January 2016, the FBI suddenly reopened a closed investigation into Manafort for potential money laundering and tax evasion connected to his work in Ukraine.

Telizhenko, who attended a White House meeting with Ukrainian colleagues that same month, says he witnessed Justice Department officials pressing representatives of Ukraine's Corruption Bureau. "The U.S. officials were asking for the Ukrainian officials to get any information, financial information, about Americans working for the former government of Ukraine, the Yanukovych government," he says.

By the time Telizhenko spoke out, Ukrainian officials had already admitted intervening in the 2016 election to help Clinton's campaign. In August, Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) released what it claimed was a secret ledger showing that Manafort received millions in illicit cash payments from Yanukovych's party. The Clinton campaign, then in the early stages of its effort to portray their Republican rival as a Russian conspirator, seized on the news as evidence of Trump's "troubling connections" to "pro-Kremlin elements in Ukraine."

The alleged ledger was first obtained by Ukrainian lawmaker Serhiy Leshchenko, who had claimed that he had received it anonymously by mail. Yet Leshchenko was not an impartial source: He made no effort to hide his efforts to help elect Clinton. "A Trump presidency would change the pro-Ukrainian agenda in American foreign policy," Leshchenko told the Financial Times. For him, "it was important to show … that [Trump] is [a] pro-Russian candidate who can break the geopolitical balance in the world." Accordingly, he added, most of Ukraine's politicians were "on Hillary Clinton's side."

Manafort, who would be convicted of unrelated tax and other financial crimes in 2018, denied the allegation. The ledger was handwritten and did not match the amounts that Manafort was paid in electronic wire transfers. Moreover, the ledger was said to have been stored at Yanukovych's party headquarters, yet that building was burned in a 2014 riot by Maidan activists.

Telizhenko agrees with Manafort that the ledger was a fabrication. "I think the ledger was just made up because nobody saw it, and nobody got the official documents themselves. From my understanding it was all a toss-up, a made-up story, just because they could not find any dirt on the Trump campaign."

But with the U.S. media starting to amplify the Clinton campaign's Trump-Russia conspiracy theories, a wary Trump demanded Manafort's resignation. "The easiest way for Trump to sidestep the whole Ukraine story is for Manafort not to be there," Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker and a Trump campaign adviser, explained.

The 2016 Russian Hacking Claim

The release of the Manafort ledger and cooperation with the Democratic National Committee was not the end of Ukraine's 2016 election interference.

A recent account in the New York Times revealed that Ukrainian intelligence played a vital role in generating CIA allegations that would become a foundation of the Russiagate hoax – that Russia stole Democratic Party emails and released them via WikiLeaks in a bid to help elect Trump. Once again, CIA chief Brennan played a critical role.

In the Times' telling, some Obama officials wanted to shut down the CIA's work in Ukraine after a botched August 2016 Ukrainian intelligence operation in Crimea turned deadly. But Brennan "persuaded them that doing so would be self-defeating, given the relationship was starting to produce intelligence on the Russians as the C.I.A. was investigating Russian election meddling." This "relationship" between Brennan and his Ukrainian counterparts proved to be pivotal. According to the Times, Ukrainian military intelligence – which the CIA closely managed – claimed to have duped a Russian officer into "into providing information that allowed the C.I.A. to connect Russia's government to the so-called Fancy Bear hacking group."

"Fancy Bear" is one of two alleged Russian cyber espionage groups that the FBI has accused of carrying out the 2016 DNC email theft. Yet this allegation has a direct tie not just to Ukraine, but to the Clinton campaign. The name "Fancy Bear" was coined by CrowdStrike, a private firm working directly for Clinton's attorney, Michael Sussmann. As RealClearInvestigations has previously reported, CrowdStrike first accused Russia of hacking the DNC, and the FBI relied on the firm for evidence. Years after publicly accusing Russia of the theft, CrowdStrike executive Shawn Henry was forced to admit in sworn congressional testimony that the firm "did not have concrete evidence" that Russian hackers took data from the DNC servers.

CrowdStrike's admission about the evidentiary hole in the Russian hacking allegation, along with the newly disclosed Ukrainian intelligence role in generating it, were both kept under wraps throughout the entirety of Special Counsel Robert Muller's probe into alleged Russian interference. But when Trump sought answers on both matters, he once again found himself the target of an investigation.

In late September 2019, weeks after Mueller's halting congressional testimony – which left Trump foes dissatisfied over his failure to find insufficient evidence of a Russian conspiracy – House Democrats kicked off an effort to impeach Trump for freezing U.S. weapons shipments in an alleged scheme to pressure Ukraine into investigating the Bidens. The impeachment was triggered by a whistleblower complaint about a phone call between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky two months prior. The "whistleblower" was later identified by RealClearInvestigations as Eric Ciaramella, an intelligence official who had served as Ukraine adviser to then-Vice President Biden when he demanded Shokin's firing and to the Obama administration's other key point person for Kyiv, Victoria Nuland.

Yet Trump's infamous July 2019 phone call with Zelensky was not primarily focused on the Bidens. Instead, according to the transcript, Trump asked Zelensky to do him "a favor" and cooperate with a Justice Department investigation into the origins of Russiagate, which, he asserted, had Ukrainian links. Trump specifically invoked CrowdStrike, the Clinton campaign contractor that had generated the allegation that Russia had hacked the Democratic Party emails. CrowdStrike's allegation of Russian interference, Trump told Zelensky, had somehow "started with Ukraine."

More than four years after the call, and eight years after the 2016 campaign, the New York Times' recent revelation that the CIA relied on Ukrainian intelligence operatives to identify alleged Russian hackers adds new context to Trump's request for Zelensky's help. Asked about the Times' disclosure, a source familiar with Trump's thinking confirmed to RCI that the president was indeed referring to a Ukrainian role in the Russian hacking allegations that consumed his presidency. "That's why they impeached him," the source said. "They didn't want to be exposed."

Trump's First Impeachment

The first impeachment of Donald Trump once again inserted Ukraine into the highest levels of U.S. politics. But the impact may have been even greater in Ukraine.

When Democrats targeted Trump for his phone call with Zelensky, the rookie Ukrainian leader was just months into a mandate that he had won on a pledge to end the Donbas war. In his inaugural address, Zelensky promised that he was "not afraid to lose my own popularity, my ratings," and even "my own position – as long as peace arrives."

In their lone face-to-face meeting, held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly, Trump tried to encourage Zelensky to negotiate with Russia. "I really hope that you and President Putin can get together and solve your problem," Trump said, referring to the Donbas war. "That would be a tremendous achievement."

But Ukraine's powerful ultra-nationalists had other plans. Right Sector co-founder Dmytro Yarosh, commander of the Ukrainian Volunteer Army, responded: "No, he [Zelensky] would lose his life. He will hang on some tree on Khreshchatyk [Kyiv's main street] – if he betrays Ukraine" by making a peace with the Russian-backed rebels.

By impeaching Trump for pausing U.S. weaponry to Ukraine, Democrats sent a similar message. Trump, the final House impeachment report proclaimed, had "compromised the national security of the United States." In his opening statement at Trump's Senate trial, Rep. Adam Schiff – then seeking to rebound from the collapse of the Trump-Russia conspiracy theory – declared: "The United States aids Ukraine and her people, so that we can fight Russia over there, and we don't have to fight Russia here."

Other powerful Washington officials, including star impeachment witness William Taylor, then serving as the chief U.S. diplomat in Ukraine, pushed Zelensky toward conflict.

Just before the impeachment scandal erupted in Washington, Zelensky was "expressing curiosity" about the Steinmeier Formula, a German-led effort to revive the stalled Minsk process, which he "hoped might lead to a deal with the Kremlin," Taylor later recounted to the Washington Post. But Taylor disagreed.  "No one knows what it is," Taylor told Zelensky of the German plan. "Steinmeier doesn't know what it is … It's a terrible idea."

With both powerful Ukrainian ultra-nationalists and Washington bureaucrats opposed to ending the Donbas war, Zelensky ultimately abandoned the peace platform that he was elected on. "By early 2021," the Post reported, citing a Zelensky ally, "Zelensky believed that negotiations wouldn't work and that Ukraine would need to retake the Donetsk and Luhansk regions 'either through a political or military path.'"

The return of the Biden team to the Oval Office in January 2021 appears to have encouraged Zelensky's confrontational path. By then, polls showed the rookie president trailing OPFL, the opposition party with the second-most seats in parliament and headed by Viktor Medvedchuk, a Ukrainian mogul close to Putin.

The following month, Zelensky offered his response to waning public support. Three OPFL-tied television channels were taken off the air. Two weeks later, Zelensky followed up by seizing the assets of Medvedchuk's family, including a pipeline that brought Russian oil through Ukraine. Medvedchuk was also charged with treason.

Zelensky's crackdown drew harsh criticism, including from close allies. "This is an illegal mechanism that contradicts the Constitution," Dmytro Razumkov, the speaker of the parliament and a manager of Zelensky's presidential campaign, complained.

Yet Zelensky won praise from the newly inaugurated Biden White House, while hailed his effort to "counter Russia's malign influence."

It turns out that the U.S. not only applauded Zelensky's domestic crackdown, but inspired it. Zelensky's first national security adviser, Oleksandr Danyliuk, later revealed to Time Magazine that the TV stations' shuttering was "conceived as a welcome gift to the Biden Administration." Targeting those stations, Danyliuk explained, "was calculated to fit in with the U.S. agenda." And the U.S. was a happy recipient. "He turned out to be a doer," a State Department official approvingly said of Zelensky. "He got it done."

Just days after receiving Zelensky's "welcome gift" in March 2021, the Biden administration approved its first military package for Ukraine, valued at $125 million. That same month, Ukraine's National Security and Defense Council approved a strategy to recover all of Crimea from Russian control, including by force. By the end of March, intense fighting resumed in the Donbas, shattering months of a relatively stable ceasefire.

Russia offered its own reaction. Two days after its ally Medvedchuk's assets were seized in February, Russia deployed thousands of troops to the Ukraine border, the beginning of a build-up that ultimately topped 100,000 and culminated in an invasion one year later.

The Kremlin, Medvedchuk claimed, was acting to protect Russophile Ukrainians targeted by Zelensky's censorship. "When they close TV channels that Russian-speaking people watched, when they persecute the party these people voted for, it touches all of the Russian-speaking population," he said.

Medvedchuk also warned that the more hawkish factions of the Kremlin could use the crackdown as a pretext for war. "There are hawks around Putin who want this crisis. They are ready to invade. They come to him and say, 'Look at your Medvedchuk. Where is he now? Where is your peaceful solution? Sitting under house arrest? Should we wait until all pro-Russian forces are arrested?' "

A Whistleblower Silenced on Alleged Biden Corruption

Along with encouraging a proxy war with Russia in Ukraine, the first Trump impeachment also promoted the highly dubious Democratic Party narrative that scrutiny of Ukrainian interference in U.S. politics was a "conspiracy theory" or "Russian disinformation." Another star impeachment witness, Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, who leaked the Trump/Zelensky phone call to Ciaramella, testified that Telizhenko – who had blown the whistle on Ukrainian collusion with the DNC – was "not a credible individual."

Telizhenko was undeterred. After detailing reliable evidence of Ukrainian's 2016 election interference to Politico, Telizhenko continued to speak out – and increasingly drew the attention of government officials who sought to undermine his claims by casting him as a Russian agent.

Beginning in May 2019, Telizhenko cooperated with Rudy Giuliani, then acting as Trump's personal attorney, in his effort to expose information about the Bidens' alleged corruption in Ukraine. During Giuliani's visits to Ukraine, Telizhenko served as an adviser and translator.

That same year, Telizhenko testified to the Federal Election Commission (FEC) as part of a probe into whether the DNC's 2016 collusion with the Ukrainian embassy violated campaign finance laws. By contrast, multiple DNC officials refused to testify. Telizhenko then cooperated with a separate Senate probe, co-chaired by Republicans Chuck Grassley and Ron Johnson, on how Hunter Biden's business dealings impacted U.S. policy in Ukraine.

By the lead-up to the 2020 election, Telizhenko found himself the target of a concerted effort to silence him. As the Senate probed Ukraine, the FBI delivered a classified warning echoing Democrats' talking points that Telizhenko was among the "known purveyors of Russian disinformation narratives" about the Bidens. In response, GOP Sen. Johnson dropped plans to subpoena Telizhenko. Nevertheless, Telizhenko's communications with Obama administration officials and his former employer Blue Star Strategies were heavily featured in Johnson and Grassley's final report on the Bidens' conflicts of interest in Ukraine, released in September 2020.

The U.S. government's claims of yet another Russian-backed plot to hurt a Democratic Party presidential nominee set the stage for another highly consequential act of election interference. On October 14, 2020, the New York Post published the first in a series of stories detailing how Hunter Biden had traded on his family name to secure lucrative business abroad, including in Ukraine. The Post's reporting, based on the contents of a laptop Hunter's had apparently abandoned in a repair shop, also raised questions about Joe Biden's denials of involvement in his son's business dealings.

The Hunter Biden laptop emails pointed to the very kind of influence-peddling that the Biden campaign and Democrats routinely accused Trump of. But rather than allow voters to read the reporting and judge for themselves, the Post's journalism was subjected to a smear campaign and a censorship campaign unparalleled in modern American history. In a statement, a group of more than 50 former intelligence officials – including John Brennan, the former CIA chief – declared that the Hunter Biden laptop story "has all the classic earmarks of a Russian information operation." Meanwhile, Facebook and Twitter prevented the story from being shared on their social media networks.

The FBI lent credence to the intelligence veterans' false claim by launching a probe into whether the laptop contents were part of a "Russian disinformation" campaign aiming to hurt Biden. The bureau initiated this effort despite having been in possession of Hunter Biden's laptop, which it had verified as genuine, for almost a year. To buttress innuendo that the laptop was a Russian plot, a CNN report suspiciously noted that Telizhenko had posted an image on social media featuring Trump holding up an edition of the New York Post's laptop story.

In January 2021, shortly before Biden took office, the U.S. Treasury Department followed suit by imposing sanctions on Telizhenko for allegedly "having directly or indirectly engaged in, sponsored, concealed, or otherwise been complicit in foreign influence in a United States election."

Treasury, however, did not release any evidence to support its claims. Two months later, the department issued a similar statement in announcing sanctions on former Manafort aide Konstantin Kilimnik, whom it accused of being a "known Russian Intelligence Services agent implementing influence operations on their behalf." Treasury's actions followed a bipartisan Senate Intelligence report that also accused Kilimnik of being a Russian spy. As RealClearInvestigations has previously reported, neither the Treasury Department or Senate panel provided any evidence to support their allegations about Kilimnik, which were called into question by countervailing information that RCI brought to light. Just like Telizhenko, Kilimnik had extensive contacts with the Obama administration, whose State Department treated him as a trusted source.

The U.S. government's endorsement of Democratic claims about Telizhenko had a direct impact on the FEC investigation into DNC-Ukrainian collusion, in which he had testified. In August 2019, the FEC initially sided with Telizhenko and informed Alexandra Chalupa – the DNC operative whom he outed for targeting Paul Manafort – that she plausibly violated the Federal Election Campaign Act by having "the Ukrainian Embassy… [perform] opposition research on the Trump campaign at no charge to the DNC." The FEC also noted that the DNC "does not directly deny that Chalupa obtained assistance from the Ukrainians nor that she passed on the Ukrainian Embassy's research to DNC officials."

But when the Treasury Department sanctioned Telizhenko in January 2021, the FEC suddenly reversed course. As RealClearInvestigations has previously reported, the FEC closed the case against the DNC without punitive action. Democratic commissioner Ellen Weintraub even dismissed allegations of Ukrainian-DNC collusion as "Russian disinformation." As evidence, she pointed to media reports about Telizhenko and the recent Treasury sanctions against him.

Yet Telizhenko's detractors have been unable to adduce any concrete evidence tying him to Russia. A January 2021 intelligence community report, declassified two months later, accused Russia of waging "influence operations against the 2020 US presidential election" on behalf of Trump. It made no mention of Telizhenko. The Democratic-led claims of Telizhenko's supposed Russian ties are additionally undermined by his extensive contact with Obama-Biden administration officials, as journalist John Solomon reported in September 2020.

Telizhenko says he has "no connection at all" to the Russian government or any effort to amplify its messaging. "I'm ready," he says. "Let the Treasury Department publish what they have on me, and I'm ready to go against them. Let them show the public what they have.  They have nothing … I am ready to talk about the truth. They are not."

Epilogue

Just as Telizhenko has been effectively silenced in the U.S. establishment, so has the Ukrainian meddling that he helped expose. Capturing the prevailing media narrative, the Washington Post recently claimed that Trump has "falsely blamed Ukraine for trying to help Democratic rival Hillary Clinton," which, the Post added, is "a smear spread by Russian spy services." This narrative ignores a voluminous record that includes Ukrainian officials admitting to helping Clinton.

As the Biden administration successfully pressured Congress to approve its $61 billion funding request for Ukraine, holdout Republicans were similarly accused of parroting the Kremlin. Shortly before the vote, two influential Republican committee chairmen, Reps. Mike Turner of Ohio and Mike McCaul of Texas, claimed that unnamed members of their caucus were repeating Russian propaganda. Zelensky also asserted that Russia was manipulating U.S. opponents of continued war funding: "When we talk about the Congress — do you notice how [the Russians] work with society in the United States?"

Now that Biden has signed that newly authorized funding into law, the president and his senior aides have been handed the means to extend a proxy war that they launched a decade ago and that continues to ravage Ukraine. In yet another case of Ukraine playing a significant role in domestic U.S. politics, Biden has also secured a boost to his bid for reelection. As the New York Times recently observed: "The resumption of large-scale military aid from the United States all but ensures that the war will be unfinished in Ukraine when Americans go to the polls in November."

9. Military Aviation Joins the Emerging Competency Crisis in the West

By Bill Buppert | The Libertarian Institute | May 1, 2024

Trend-lines on military aviation accidents are edging upwards to join in the commercial aviation industry in mishaps. Not only is this a barometer for readiness and training but an indicator for the emerging competency crisis plaguing the West. Peacetime military aviation is dangerous.

As of April 9, the Marine Corps sustained a sharp increase in Class A mishaps for the first and second quarters of 2024 with a rate of 4.31 per 100,000 flight hours, compared to a 10-year average of 2.24.

There is a pretty article that gives a fair overview of this brewing crisis here.

Let's examine the Army: here's what is alarming, we are a little over half way in this fiscal year (FY) and the accident rate for FY24 is edging toward three times the previous year and that trend will go up more as the year progresses. Class A involves a fatality and Class B and C includes injury. This is the Army and doesn't includes troubling upticks in aviation accidents in the other services.

Flightfax, the online newsletter of the Army Aviation Accident Prevention program, covers the ongoing accidents and mishaps of Army rotary wing aircraft (rare instances of fixed wing but the majority of Army aviation is rotary wing thanks to the Key West Agreement in 1948.

It appears this crisis will simply deepen.

Classification of mishaps:

Here's a snapshot of of comparisons between 2023 and 2024 for incidents per 100k flight hours:

Here's a snapshot of one month from the April 2024 edition:

10. How Biden Showed the World the US & NATO Are Paper Tigers

By Ian DeMartino – Sputnik – 30.04.2024

On April 13, Iran responded to an Israeli attack on its embassy in Syria by striking Israel with more than 300 drones and missiles. While most were shot down by Israeli and US air defenses, hypersonic missiles fired by Iran hit their targets, showcasing the limits of Western defenses.

US President Joe Biden revealed to the world that the US military is no longer the giant that woke up on December 7, 1941, but a paper tiger unable to exert the power it once held. Both former Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Al-Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden described the United States in this way. Though it may have taken several decades, they are finally being proven correct.

The United States showed in the 1990s and through the start of this century that it was capable of dominating the battlefield when facing opponents with significantly less sophisticated equipment.

But, as American hegemony has slipped, other countries have caught up and in some aspects surpassed the so-called world's only remaining superpower.

This is evident in the United States' inability to halt the Yemen Ansar Allah (Houthi) movement's blockade against ships traveling to Israeli ports and the United States' failure to prevent Iran's attack on Israeli military targets.

With the Houthis, the United States has resorted to attempting to bribe the group into stopping their attacks, a tactic that has failed. But the attack by Iran was worse for the perception of American-dominance, because the failure of its weapons were on full display.

While most if not all of the drones sent by Iran were taken out by a combination of Israeli and US air defense systems, the drones were intended to distract and exhaust the defenses and allow Iran's hypersonic missiles to hit their targets, which most reports say they did.

The attack from Iran showed the world "that US defense capabilities" are "not there," retired senior security policy analyst Michael Maloof told Sputnik's The Critical Hour on Monday.

"The ability to have a strong missile defense is not there, and the Russians [also] have these hypersonic capabilities," Maloof explained. "[Iran] did hit their targets, and they did it with hypersonics and there was no defense."

In Ukraine, the situation would be comical were it not so dark. As the Kiev regime hyped what became its failed counteroffensive last year, a succession of NATO equipment was touted as the game changer that would send the Russians into retreat.

First, it was the Bradley Fighting Vehicles, then Leopard tanks, then Challenger tanks, then a growing list of air defense systems and long-range artillery. Russia systematically destroyed them all, proving that NATO weapons are not the pinnacle of modern warfare and in many cases are relics of 20th-century warfare that will act as a gilded millstone around the neck of any army that relies on them in the 21st century.

There was another tank the US provided to Ukraine last summer, but it was not seen on the battlefield until very recently: the Abrams M1 tank. It too was touted as a game changer, but despite Ukraine's desperate need for armor, they were not used until the battle for Avdeyevka in February of this year.

In September, Sputnik wrote an article highlighting the weaknesses of the Abrams tank, which was responded to by Popular Mechanics. The outlet asserted the Abrams would represent a "huge leap in the capabilities" of Ukrainian armor formations and accused Sputnik of exaggerating "not only the threat to Abrams tanks, but the tank's vulnerabilities."

The article concluded that Russian forces "will have to work very hard to kill an Abrams tank." But when it finally arrived, five tanks were quickly destroyed and at least one tank was captured. Last week, US military officials confirmed to US media that Ukraine had removed the Abrams tanks from the front lines, saying that they are too easily destroyed by Russian drones.

"We saw, as with pretty much every type of tank we've seen in this combat that relatively cheap, $500, $1,000 a pop, Kamikaze drones can seriously damage a tank fairly easily," security and international relations expert Mark Sleboda told Sputnik's Fault Lines on Monday.

The Abrams tank costs roughly $10 million a piece.

The shattering of NATO's veneer of invincibility will have geopolitical implications, Maloof argued. "Are we going to … convince the Saudis now that we're going to defend them, when they saw with their own eyes that whatever layering we performed for the Israelis didn't work. Are they going to buy into that? No, they're going to start going their own way, increasingly more so."

On Tuesday, Iranian Economy Minister Ehsan Khandouzi described his talks with the Minister of Economy and Planning of Saudi Arabia, Faisal F. Alibrahim as "productive."
"Faisal F. Alibrahim agreed with all [of] Iran's [economic] proposals," Khandouzi noted.

"The days of US dominance [are] over, and we're seeing this now as some 40 countries want to join BRICS and get out from under the dollar," Maloof explained. "So, all of this is interrelated. It's all playing [out] in real-time, before our very eyes, and it's happening very rapidly."