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UHC2030: The United Nations’ Global Public-Private Partnership For Healthcare

In the first part of this series, we looked at the United Nation's (UN's) Sustainable Development agenda. Contrary to most people's perception of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), this agenda has little to do with environmentalism or reducing CO2 emissions.

Instead, it is a mechanism for introducing global governance and particularly global financial governance into every aspect of our lives and every corner of our society and polity. It enables the continuation of "the same debt imperialism long used by the Anglo-American Empire to entrap nations in a new, equally predatory system of global financial governance."

Agenda 2030 was first outlined with General Assembly Resolution 70/1 (A/Res/70/1). In October 2015, this Resolution committed the UN to Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

In UN parlance, "sustainability" is misleadingly used as a synonym for transformation. Nothing about the SDGs is as it first appears. The devil is omnipresent in the detail and, as with all SDGs, we should approach SDG 3, which the UN claims will "ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages," with considerable caution.

The UHC2030 Public-Private Partnership

The Universal Health Coverage agenda for 2030 (UHC2030) is a United Nations (UN) global public health initiative designed to achieve UN Agenda 2030 SDG 3.

UHC2030 claims to provide a "global platform and space for multiple stakeholders to connect, work together and influence national and international commitments." The stated objective of these stakeholders is to make "quality health services available for all."

The UHC2030 homepage. Source: UHC2030

In order to supposedly achieve SDG 3, UHC2030 brings together partners, or "stakeholders," from both the public and the private sector to collaborate on the transformation of global healthcare. UHC2030 is a global public-private partnership (G3P) attempting to centralise worldwide control of healthcare.

In Part 1 of this series, we considered the 2016 report from UN-DESA, which found that G3Ps were not fit for purpose. The UN's own investigators stated that a number of measures were required to make UN-G3Ps viable. Yet, to date, none of those improvements have been implemented.

UN-DESA noted that the commitment to G3Ps was "ideological." The evidence shows that the UHC2030 global public-private partnership (UHC-G3P) is unlikely to deliver the claimed benefits. That is, if the real objective is to deliver quality health services to all.

Controlling public health policy and healthcare regulations at the world, national, regional and eventually local level is what the "sustainable development" of healthcare is all about. It is the "transformation" of healthcare everywhere.

So, who are the stakeholders and why do they want to "influence national and international commitments" to healthcare? Can they be trusted to deliver "quality health services" to everyone on Earth?

Or is there another agenda behind the stakeholders' desire to transform our healthcare systems?

UHC2030 and Stakeholder Capitalism

G3Ps are formed of "stakeholders" based upon the idea, first promoted during the 1970s, of "stakeholder capitalism." It proposes that the world will be a better place if multinational corporations act as "trustees of society."

The legal definition of trustee: "the person appointed, or required by law, to execute a trust; one in whom an estate, interest, or power is vested, under an express or implied agreement to administer or exercise it for the benefit or to the use of another."

WEF Chairman Klaus Schwab and his book 'Stakeholder Capitalism'.

Through the G3Ps that are set to provide "sustainable development" across the world, we are invited to accept that the Earth, all life and every aspect of our lives will be improved if global corporations are invested with the power to administer the entire global estate. The primary function of the governments we elect is to "enable" the transformation to take place.

The UHC-G3P consists of 83 national governments, including Iran, Lebanon, Somalia, Ghana, Uganda, Yemen, Myanmar, France, Germany, the UK, the US and Ukraine. Other nation-state partners contribute via multinational organisations.

For example, the Russian Federation is a UHC-G3P "partner" through the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Asia-Europe Foundation (AEF). Similarly, China partners with the UHC-G3P through the AEF and Israel via the IPU. Numerous UN agencies, including the UNDP and the WHO, and various philanthropic foundations, such as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation, are also UHC-G3P stakeholder partners.

The primary UHC2030 objective is to "influence national and international commitments." It is a G3P engaged in policy development. The subsequent "enabling environments," funded by taxpayers, are enthusiastically endorsed by the UHC-G3P, which states:

National governments should progressively increase their investment in health by either moving towards allocating at least 15% of their annual budget to health, or up to 5% of their annual GDP[.] [. . .] This increased budget for health should be raised through mandatory and fair pooling mechanisms (such as improving tax revenue collection, setting up social health insurance)[.]

For most developed countries this won't require any additional spending on their own healthcare. The majority already spend more than 5% of GDP. In 2020, the US spent nearly 19%. Germany was the second highest spender, devoting nearly 13% of German GDP to health.

The same is not true for developing nations. Many spend considerably less on healthcare as a percentage of GDP. Djibouti and the Democratic Republic of Congo spend just 2%, Pakistan and India around 3%. Sri-Lanka, Yemen, Syria, Egypt and Iraq are among the many other nations that would all need to increase relative healthcare spending to meet UHC-G3P sustainability targets.

UHC-G3P Debt for Healthcare Destruction Swaps

Low to middle income countries (LMIC's) will need to either re-prioritise spending or significantly increase GDP, to create potential surplus, in order to meet UHC2030 demands. This is going to be difficult because these nations saw debt/GDP ratios escalate wildly as a result of the global policy response to the pseudopandemic.

The association between falling GDP and increased child mortality is well known. Prior to the pseudopandemic, many LMICs were already struggling to maintain precarious public health systems. The additional economic shocks had a predictable detrimental impact upon health care provision, especially for the most vulnerable.

A health worker takes a swab from a woman during mass testing in an effort to stop the spread of COVID-19, in Nairobi, Kenya May 28, 2020. Source: Reuters

The United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) were well aware of the risk. In July 2020, it estimated that an additional 6.7 million children under 5 would be pushed into malnutrition, suffering all the corresponding long-term health costs and higher associated mortality rates.

UNICEF noted that this disaster would be caused, not by COVID-19, but as a result of "the economic, food, and health systems disruptions."

Yet UNICEF, a UHC-G3P stakeholder, inexplicably concluded:

The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to increase the risk of all forms of malnutrition. The wasting-focused estimates we present here are likely to be conservative. [. . .] The disruption of other health services during lockdowns will further compromise maternal and child health and mortality. [. . .] [T]he profound impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on early life nutrition could have intergenerational consequences for child growth and development and life-long impacts on education, chronic disease risks, and overall human capital formation[.]

There was no "profound impact from the COVID-19 pandemic." None of the effects UNICEF described had anything to do with a respiratory disease. They were all the result of policy decisions taken in response to an alleged pandemic.

Knowing that the economic and health system disruption would kill vulnerable people, the UHC2030 multi-stakeholder partnership ploughed ahead with that disruption. They urged every government to invest more in COVID-19 response measures and treatments, as recommended by the WHO, a UHC-G3P stakeholder.

Bold emergency regulations and legislation were enforced. Inalienable rights were sacrificed and "collective responsibility" pursued. Patient safety—related to COVID-19—was prioritised by governments by providing financial support for "innovative solutions."

The impact of this kind of "universal health coverage" on an LMICs, like Uganda, was devastating. With 74 alleged COVID-19 deaths per million of population (DPM), compared to a claimed 3,190 DPM in the US, Uganda didn't have a pandemic.

Unfortunately, the shutdown of global supply chains and international markets by the developed nations, who claimed they did have a pandemic, hit Uganda's economy hard. Ugandan export markets evaporated, businesses collapsed, unemployment soared as people were forced to migrate from urban areas to the countryside and return to subsistence farming.

As a lucky UHC2030 partner, the Ugandan government also had to borrow heavily to implement the supposedly necessary COVID-19 measures. It did so at the expense of preventative measures against other diseases like malaria, a disease that regularly leads to more than 260-280 DPM in Uganda.

Coerced into throwing everything at fighting a disease four times less dangerous than Malaria, Uganda also embraced additional public health risks. The Ugandan debt to GDP ratio in shot up from 22% to 41% in a single year and, by 2021, 9% of Ugandan revenue was spent on servicing its debts while GDP growth collapsed.

A report from The Center for Global Development revealed the effect of so-called "universal health coverage" in Uganda. It could be described as the evisceration of Ugandan healthcare:

Deterioration in essential health services[,] [. . .] reduced case finding for HIV/AIDS and malaria. Patients with chronic conditions who continuously relied on drugs for their survival [. . .] were unable to get their refills, while others could not afford medication due to lack of income. Patients who had been newly diagnosed with cancer were not able to be initiated into treatment. [. . . ] [A] majority of patients with these conditions faced an increased risk of complications and death due to inability to access healthcare[.] [. . .] These delayed initiations and interruption of treatment cycles resulted in increased stress, anxiety, disease progression, recurrence, and premature deaths.

In response to this man-made health disaster, as a UHC2030 stakeholder, the World Bank, decided that Uganda's priority was to continue to invest in COVID-19 prevention measures it didn't need. This kind of suicidal "economic planning" in response to a non-existent pandemic meant that LMICs like Uganda were crushed, not by COVID-19, but by the global policy response to COVID-19.

UHC-G3P Neocolonialism

The chances of many LMICs being able to meet the minimum 5% of GDP healthcare investment required by UHC2030 seems remote, unless they slash spending in other sectors. However, in partnership with the World Bank, the UHC-G3P suggest another way LMICs can meet its targets.

Debt restructuring mechanisms in Low-income countries and debt sustainability/reduction in Middle-Income countries.

In 2020, the G20 agreed a common framework for restructuring government debt. This built upon the previously established debt service suspension initiative (DSSI).

The DSSI enabled struggling LMICs to suspend bi-lateral sovereign debt repayment agreements in order to finance COVID-19 measures. The scheme ended in December 2021.

This made it possible for LMICs like Ghana to create the "fiscal space," as described in Part 1 of this series, to enable UHC2030 sustainable healthcare. While population uptake of COVID-19 vaccines in Ghana has been low—at around 30%—compared to developed nations, by March 2022 AstraZeneca, whose major shareholders include Blackrock and Vanguard, had secured 57% of that vaccine market.

The AstraZeneca jab is not approved in most European countries due to the blood clots it has caused and irregularities in the limited trial data AstraZeneca released. Yet, unlike its mRNA counterparts, it doesn't require hyper-cooling to store and transport and is therefore relatively cheap.

A picture taken on March 20, 2021 shows empty vials of AstraZeneca vaccines against Covid-19 in Ede, Netherlands. Source: ANP

AstraZeneca and its fellow UHC-G3P partner, the UK government, made a loud public-relations noise about the claimed not-for-profit pricing of its COVID-19 jab. The Anglo-Swedish corporation signed the agreement on the provision that it could determine the date that it judged to be the end of the pseudopandemic. This factor, combined with its relatively inexpensive storage and transportation costs, made it the go-to jab for LMICs.

AstraZeneca struck a deal with another UHC2030 stakeholder, the GAVI alliance, and the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) to provide, $1.3 billion of their vaccines to LMICs. These were supposedly supplied at cost, but it was a cost UHC2030 partner states like Ghana and Uganda could ill afford.

However, the DSSI temporary debt window enabled Uganda, for example, to pay considerably more for its 18 million doses of AstraZeneca jabs than the EU. It paid $7 per jab.

The production cost of the jab to AstraZeneca is unknown. Its development costs were met by UK taxpayers and their charitable donations. Its agreement to sell "at cost" to its UHC2030 stakeholder partner, the EU, saw it distribute the jabs at a unit price of $2.18.

The necessity for the more than 300% price hike for Uganda isn't clear. It looks distinctly like AstraZeneca profiteered from the Ugandan, debt-based "enabling environment."

UNICEF, a UHC-G3P partner, having warned about the disastrous health impacts of the economic decline caused by the cost of COVID-19 countermeasures, supported its UHC-G3P partners—AstraZeneca and the World Bank—by agreeing a deal, through the COVAX facility, for the supply of 170 million doses of AstraZeneca's jab to LMIC's.

AstraZeneca's UHC-G3P stakeholder partner, GAVI, is focused on its state mission to create what it calls "healthy markets" for vaccines. GAVI notes that a "sustainable future supplier base is integral to the health of Gavi-supported vaccine markets." Presumably, LMIC's paying more than three times the market rate for drugs they don't need is considered a "healthy market" by GAVI.

None of this predatory market activity, by its stakeholders, meets the UHC-G3P's aim to:

Expand quality essential health services, strengthen health systems and mobilize resources in health in developing countries

For developing and middle income nations, the promise of "stakeholder capitalism" is an empty one.

UHC-G3P stakeholders appear to have manipulated LMICs, through their debt obligations, to invest in superfluous pharmaceuticals at extortionate prices. The multi-stakeholder partnership effectively weakened essential healthcare and increased population health risks.

From an LMIC's perspective, UHC-G3P "stakeholder capitalism" looks more like corporate neocolonialism.

This is as expected because, as the UN knows full well, stakeholder capitalism doesn't work as claimed. Public-private partnerships for public health are expensive, have a negative impact on healthcare and health outcomes, are prone to corruption and, broadly speaking, harm population health.

Why the UHC2030 global public-private partnership suggests otherwise requires explanation.

Improving Healthcare For Private Stakeholders

AstraZeneca are one among numerous pharmaceutical, healthcare and bio-technology corporations that are UHC2030 stakeholder partners. Other members include GlaxoSmithKline, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi, Merck, Novartis, Novo Nordisk, Johnson & Johnson and Medtronic.

The stakeholder capitalism approach, rhetorically speaking, is exemplified by Merck who state:

As a global health care company that is committed to improving health and well-being around the world, SDG 3 is a core of our business and is aligned with our mission to save and improve lives. [. . .] We work in partnership with a range of stakeholders to improve the global health ecosystem.

Merck claims that it exists to save and improve lives by meeting SDGs. To do this it selflessly acts as a global health stakeholder. This is, perhaps, surprising because announcing a 28% sales revenue increase to $14.6 billion in its 2022 second quarter earnings report, Merck CEO, Robert. M. Davies, said:

Our strategy is working and our future is bright. I am very confident that we are well-positioned to achieve our near- and long-term goals, anchored by our commitment to deliver innovative medicines and vaccines to patients and value to all of our stakeholders, including shareholders.

So Merck isn't entirely selfless. Making money is also important to the corporation, and especially to its shareholders who expect a profitable return on their investment. Consequently, Merck's major shareholders, such as the global investment firms Blackrock and Vanguard, are also UHC-G3P stakeholder "partners."

Stakeholder Capitalism: an ecosystem of segmentation and prioritisation, apparently. Source: LLYC

Pfizer, with its major shareholders including Blackrock and Vanguard, reported all-time high revenue, excellent profits and 92% operational growth in 2021, as a direct result of the pseudopandemic. Pfizer states how its commercial interests are well served by its stakeholder role within the UHC-G3P:

Pfizer believes in the promise of UHC. [. . .] As part of a series of bold moves, we have challenged ourselves to dramatically increase the number of patients that have access to our medicines by 2023. [. . .] We are committed to working closely with stakeholders and governments to accelerate these changes and improve overall access.

Through UHC-G3P, Pfizer is seeking to "dramatically increase" the size of its market. The "promise" of the UHC-G3P for Pfizer is that it can work with governments to "accelerate" its market acquisition programme.

The global investment firm Goldman Sachs is currently pushing investors to buy Pfizer stocks. The analysis that this advice is based upon does not reflect a belief that Pfizer will improve people's health, but rather that people will stay sick for as long as possible and continue using Pfizer products.

In 2018, Goldman Sachs released its report titled The Genome Revolution. Looking to the potential for new genetic medicines to cure disease, Goldman Sachs were concerned that this would reduce long term revenue streams:

Curing existing patients also decreases the number of carriers able to transmit the virus to new patients, thus the incident pool also declines [. . .] Where an incident pool remains stable (eg, in cancer) the potential for a cure poses less risk to the sustainability of a franchise.

While Pfizer did great business during the pseudopandemic, the declining COVID-19 "incident pool" has seen its share price fall. Ongoing, long term treatment for chronic health conditions is what Goldman Sachs investors want from their pharmaceutical portfolios. Sustainability of the franchise, not improved public health, is important to these UHC2030 stakeholders.

This presents a potential problem to patients. While there is nothing wrong with making a profit, when those profits are based upon sickness, rather than health, evidently there is a conflict of commercial interest at the heart of the UHC-G3P.

As predicted by UN-DESA, UHC2030 has delivered "poorer quality services" that are "less accessible." With multinational corporations acting as the key stakeholders, essential services are "less accountable." We have already seen this in Uganda, Ghana and other LMICs.

Having degraded healthcare, the private sector won't face any "penalty clauses." The risk for their investors is "relatively benign" and will instead be shouldered by us—the taxpayers, both financially and in every other sense.

Consequently, it is reasonable to state that UHC2030 is a partnership for nothing more than global "health system governance" designed to enhance the centralisation of power over nation states for the benefit of the private sector.

The evidence suggests that the real purpose of UHC2030 is to maximise the number of sick people and keep them ill for as long as possible in order to maintain the "sustainability of the franchise."

The UHC-G3P's Impact Upon Developed Nations

Through UHC2030, the people in developing nations are set to endure continued neocolonialism. The populations in developed nations, especially the most vulnerable, can also expect similarly deleterious results.

Making a sustainable profit from healthcare is welcomed by UHC2030 stakeholding shareholders, such as Blackrock and Vanguard. However, private sector control of government policy and global health markets is an even more enticing prospect. For those at the top of the UHC-G3P's hierarchical, compartmentalised structure, global health governance is a golden ticket.

The UN describe the September 2019 High-Level Meeting (UN HLM) on Universal Health Coverage (UHC) as "the most ambitious and comprehensive political declaration
on health in history." One of the key commitments enshrined in the subsequent A/Res/74/2 was to ensure political leadership beyond health.

The UN-HLM declared that member states should:

Implement high-impact policies to protect people's health and comprehensively address social, economic and environmental and other determinants of health by working across all sectors through a whole-of-government and health-in-all-policies approach[.] [. . .] Provide strategic leadership on UHC at the highest political level and promote greater policy coherence and coordinated actions through whole-of-government and health-in-all-policies approaches, and forge a coordinated and integrated whole-of-society and multisectoral response[.]

In addition to the reduction in healthcare quality, the UHC2030 global health governance policies are set to oppress the whole of society. This will be achieved by committing the whole-of-government to the "health-in-all-policies" (HiAP) approach.

In the US, the Center For Disease Control (CDC) explain how the whole of the US government has interpreted HiAP:

The places where people live, work, and play greatly impact their health. We can improve America's health by working across government agencies and with private partners to create healthy and safe communities. [. . .] The Health In All Policies Resource Center supports a collaborative approach to health promotion that recognizes the importance of including health considerations when making decisions about things like transportation, education and other areas that impact our communities.

Private partners (multinational corporations, philanthropic foundations and NGOs) are empowered to work "across government" to define what they consider to be "healthy and safe communities." These will be the communities that receive corporate services, purchase corporate products and advance corporate-funded NGO agendas.

Where, we live, work and play, the transport we use, our education and all other "areas," in both our communities and our lives, will be engineered via the "decision making" of the UHC-G3P stakeholders.

In November 2021 the UHC-G3P leadership issued a statement in support of the WHO's attempt to establish a Global Pandemic Preparedness Treaty. The Treaty is nominally a UK and EU led initative to establish global governance through "health security."

The UHC2030 Steering Committee wrote:

Throughout the pandemic the linkages between universal health coverage (UHC) and health security have been clear. [. . .] Strengthening health systems, with a focus on primary health care, provides the foundations for both UHC and health security. [. . .] We are therefore pleased to share a new UHC2030 strategic narrative to guide advocacy and action on health systems for UHC and health security goals.

The associated report, titled "Action on health systems, for universal health coverage and health security," is not available via the UHC2030 website but it can be found on the UK Government's official site. The UHC2030 report is a "position paper" of the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Development Office (FCDO). The private sector is now fully embedded within the UK government.

The WHO definition of "health security" is referenced therein:

The activities required, both proactive and reactive, to minimize vulnerability to acute public health events that endanger the collective health of populations living across geographical regions and international boundaries.

The WHO lists a myriad of "public health events" that governments across the world need to prepare for.

These include, but are not limited to, rapid urbanization, environmental degradation, antimicrobial resistance, new diseases, chemical hazards, air pollution, poor nutrition, food-borne diseases, travel, economic interdependence, pandemics, other emergencies, weak health systems, economic shocks and, of course, climate change and population growth.

The whole of government shouldn't simply react to such events but rather take measures to proactively "minimize vulnerability" to "public health events" that haven't happened yet. As there is no aspect of society that doesn't present the potential risk of a "public health event" occurring, perpetual population surveillance systems are required to keep us all "safe":

UHC also involves [. . .] public health measures that prevent ill health [. . .] and provide health security. These include disease surveillance—including linkages to surveillance in the animal health and environment sectors.

Therefore, Global Health Security (GHS) is indivisible from Universal Health Care (UHC). The FCDO document continues:

Strong health systems form the foundation that underpins both UHC and GHS. UHC and GHS both need strong governance and leadership [. . .] adequate financing, the right medicines, and diagnostics, [. . .] strong community systems and good data and data systems for decision making.

Global health security is also best achieved through a global public-private partnership, according to the UK government:

Our programmes are driven by the science and conducted according to the best available evidence [. . .] drawing on UK and global expertise and public-private partnerships. [. . .] We will continue to work closely with important stakeholders such as professional and regulatory bodies, the research community (including research funders), the private sector, NGOs and civil society.

The ideological commitment to G3Ps clearly demonstrates that the health security agenda is not driven by the "best available evidence." Something else is behind the push to install health security surveillance systems.

Speaking about "global governance for health," the FCDO announced:

We will continue to play our part in getting the global health architecture in the right place to progress a more unified health systems strengthening [HSS] approach. [. . . ] We continue to use the important and influential fora, such as the G7 and the G20, [. . .] as we seek to tackle some of the most challenging global health issues. This includes shaping international discussions on global health security. [. . .] We will also actively seek to bring a HSS lens to conversations on wider international issues, which extend beyond the health sector, for example on climate change.

Everything—"wider international issues, which extend beyond the health sector"—can supposedly benefit from "global governance for health." The UK government is among those that have already extended public health surveillance "beyond the health sector."

In 2018, Public Health England claimed that climate change was "the greatest public health threat of our time." The merging of climate change with public health was formalised in 2021 by then UK Health Secretary, Matt Hancock, when he announced the creation of the UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA).

Dr. Jenny Harries, Chief Executive of UKHSA. Source: UK Government

UKHSA was created in response to the UK government's alleged need to maintain a "relentless focus on our health security." The government stated that it was "reforming health protection" to prevent and manage "health threats." These reforms adopted the whole-of-government and HiAP approaches:

The reforms set out here aim to ensure that the public's health is given the status it deserves – at the very heart of government's priorities for action, policy and investment, nationally and locally, across government and across the NHS. [UKHSA] will work with academics and private organisations to ensure the latest behavioural science insights guide its work with citizens.

This placed the determinants of both national and local "policy and investment" under the centralised control of UKHSA. As a public-private partnership, this also gives UKHSA's private sector partners influence over "policy and investment."

UKHSA has taken over the function of Public Health England, NHS Test and Trace and the Joint Biosecurity Centre. Its surveillance systems are all pervasive. Practically everything is a potential public health threat:

The threats we face in future will be different; from new infectious diseases, new environmental threats or biohazards, to new behavioural challenges. So too will the opportunities to do more about them, through use of new technologies, analytics, cutting edge science and personalised behavioural approaches.

The people of the UK are the source of "behavioural challenges." They will be deemed "biohazards" if they don't follow UKHSA's public orders.

UKHSA will work with its private sector partners to deploy "personalised behavioural approaches" to alter people's behaviour if they don't fall in line or refuse to comply. This is allegedly for the public good and will be delivered by the UKHSA public-private partnership:

We will be seeking to work in partnership with a range of public and private providers to develop and test cutting-edge incentivisation programmes that will help to support people in being healthy and active over the coming years.

UKHSA is the embodiment of the UHC-G3P "Health in All Polices" (HiAP) approach:

The factors most critical to good physical and mental health such as work, education and transport, housing and air quality [. . .] means that transforming public health requires very different ways of working across government. [. . .] Health will no longer only be the business of the DHSC [Department of Health and Social Care], but a core priority for the whole of government. [. . .] We will enable more joined-up, sustained action by national and local government and our partners.

Employment, travel, education, housing and even the air people breathe have all been transformed into "core public health priorities." The whole of government will prioritise addressing the challenge of public health behaviour. Every aspect of life in the UK has now become the business of the UKHSA.

UKHSA claims that it possesses "world class health surveillance, joined-up data, horizon scanning and early warning systems" which enable it to detect new diseases and environmental hazards before they emerge. Consequently, UKHSA asserts the right to respond at "pace and scale" to "public health events" that don't yet exist.

It also says it has the apparently magical ability to:

Mitigate infectious diseases and other hazards to health before they materialise, for example through vaccination and influencing behaviour.

Under the all seeing eye of UKHSA, the British will have to change their behaviour, economic activity and lives based upon UKHSA's prediction of threats that will allegedly harm people if they don't do as it commands. This SDG 3 based model is set to be repeated in every developed nation.

The whole-of-government, HiAP strategy is based upon the same circular reasoning common to all SDGs: we have to finance measures to mitigate fictitious events which might be bad if they ever happen.

Not only is this genuinely "Orwellian," this form of extortion is also called a "protection racket."

The UHC-G3P Command Structure

The private sector has primacy within G3Ps. Governments and intergovernmental organisations "enable" their business by directing public funds to create "fiscal space."

The UHC-G3P is led by the "beneficial" owners of the private sector. We might look to Blackrock or Vanguard, for example, as representing the investors who stand to gain most from the SDG 3.

In turn, global investment firms are reliant upon the flow of capital and that is controlled by international financiers. This eventually boils down to the debt owed to commercial and central banks.

Ultimately, then, the UHC-G3P is controlled by the global banking industry. However, individuals need to be empowered to guide the SDG 3 project in the best interests of capital.

First and foremost the UHC-G3P is a global network. It is also a hierarchical, compartmentalised structure comprised of many different organisations.

Organised like a corporation, instead of a board of directors it has the UHC2030 Steering Committee. This sets the "overall strategic directions and oversight of UHC2030."

Rather than a board of trustees the UHC-G3P has the Political Advisory Panel (PAP). The purpose of the PAP is to "strengthen political support for universal health coverage."

PAP members achieve this by promoting the UHC-G3P agenda to "high-level political leaders" thereby "ensuring their commitment translates into action in countries."

This leadership structure is "advised" by the UHC2030 Secretariat which is a partnership between the WHO, the World Bank and the OECD. Through the secretariat, UHC2030 has global power. The Secretariat terms of reference note:

Collaboration among the three agencies [WHO, World Bank, OECD] will leverage their respective mandates, convening power, unique organizational perspectives and strategic leadership to accelerate progress towards UHC.

Collectively, acting on the advice of the Secretariat, the Steering Committee and the PAP give direction to the UHC-G3P project. They have been empowered by the UN to hold centralised, global authority over the implementation of SDG 3.

The individual members of the Steering Committee and the PAP also have their own network connections to other organisations and groups. Through these affiliated individuals and high-level representatives, other private sector stakeholder organisations can also exert influence over the UHC-G3P and fulfilment of SDG 3.

The Managers of the UHC-G3P

Like any large organisation human beings are required to manage it. When we look at who has been given the responsibility for delivering SDG 3, extremely worrying questions arise.

Justin Koonin is both co-chair of the steering committee and a member of the PAP. He previously worked for the global accountancy giant PwC and is currently a "fund manager" for the South African multinational investment firm, Allan Gray. The company he serves specialises in asset investments in Africa. The UHC-G3P do not consider this an unacceptable conflict of financial interest in Mr Koonin's case.

Alongside Rushinka Singhal, the Vice President of US-based Medtronic Labs, both a UHC2030 stakeholder and the world's largest medical technology company, sits Edward Booty, CEO of Allied World Asia (AWA). Together, Mr Singhal and Mr Booty represent the private sector stakeholders on the UHC-G3P Steering Committee.

AWA is the Asian arm of Fairfax Holdings' Allied World global insurance business. Allied World provide professional medical indemninty insurance to "health care consultants and companies that provide consulting services to health care facilities."

The role of both of these "private sector" Steering Committee members is to encourage governments to finance enabling environments from which their respective corporations can profit. Again this is not considered a conflict of financial interest by the UN as it pursues its "business-friendly" policies.

Nor are ideological conflicts of interest an impediment to setting global health policy. Emilia Saiz Carrancedo is the founder of United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG) and a member of the PAP.

The UCLG she leads has embraced the communitarian civil society model. As a UHC-G3P stakeholder, UCLG provides another example of the intellectual dislocation required to believe any of the claims made about either SDG 3 or UHC2030.

On first reading the UCLG Global Agenda makes no sense at all:

UCLG believes that development and improvement of people's living conditions should be undertaken primarily at the local level. We strive to achieve decentralization as a way to democratize public governance at all levels. [. . .] We aim to ensure that our values are shared among our members. [. . .] The major global development agendas can only be achieved if they are integrated into all planning, policy-making and action. [. . .] This is what we call localization: the achievement of the global agendas from the bottom-up.

According to the UCLG, led by Ms. Saiz, "localization" means total adherence to "global agendas." Democracy is achieved through decentralisation as long as everyone agrees with UCLG's globalist "values."

The role of local communities, in fulfilling "global development agendas," is limited to wholeheartedly agreeing with them. Beyond that, under UCLG's global leadership, local communities have absolutely no say, nor any choice whatsoever.

UCLG is an exemplar of the civil society deception. If they weren't so insidious and damaging to people's lives, this kind of absurd organisation would be comical. The purpose is clearly to disempower local "communities" and disenfranchise the people.

The former Norwegian Prime Minister, Gro Harlem Brundtland, was among the founding members of the PAP. She is an avid eugenicist who firmly believes in elitist supremacy and population control, meaning population reduction.

Brundtland is a long-standing member of the influential globalist think-tanks the the Club of Madrid and the Trilateral Commission and is a founding member of the powerful think-tank, the Elders. She is both a former Director General of the WHO and a former UN Secretary General on Climate Change.

She rejects the scientific method and imagines that so-called "settled science" exists. In May 2007, Brundtland was asked about her thoughts on the climate debate. Commenting upon the climate reports offered by the UN and its intergovernmental climate body, the IPCC, She told gathered journalists:

This discussion is behind us. It's over. The diagnosis is clear, the science is unequivocal — it's completely immoral, even, to question now, on the basis of what we know, the reports that are out, to question the issue and to question whether we need to move forward at a much stronger pace as humankind to address the issues.

Brundtland believes that the foundational precepts of science—observation, inquiry and scepticism—are immoral. Like her fellow PAP stakeholder Emilia Saiz, she advocates a system of authoritarian, dogmatic control where people shut up and do as they are told by their superiors.

In 1987, Brundtland was the chair and lead author of one of the foundational documents for sustainability, Our Common Future. This report has been credited with coining the term "sustainable development."

As a science-denier, it is likely that much of her contribution was ideological rather than logical. What became known as the Brundtland Report stated:

[S]ustainable development can only be pursued if population size and growth are in harmony with the changing productive potential of the ecosystem. [. . .] Painful choices have to be made. Thus, in the final analysis, sustainable development must rest on political will. [. . .] The 'population problem' must be dealt with in part by efforts to eliminate mass poverty, in order to assure more equitable access to resources. [. . .] Urgent steps are needed to limit extreme rates of population growth. [. . .] Excessive population growth diffuses the fruits of development. [. . .] A reduction of current growth rates is an imperative for sustainable development. The critical issues are the balance between population size and available resources [. . .] A nation proceeds towards the goals of sustainable development and lower fertility levels, the two are intimately linked and mutually reinforcing.

The commitment to population reduction is central to "sustainable development." Everyone needs to grasp this. Sustainable development means reducing our number.

The "painful choices" will only be painful for some. The "political will" to reduce population will be exercised by those who define "the population problem" as they wish. There are many ways mass poverty could be "eliminated."

The UHC-G3P for SDG 3 is effectively led by people who are ideologically wedded to the idea of reducing the global population and centralising their global authority over everyone.

So far, the pursuit of "universal health coverage" has seen a string of man-made public health crisis in developing nations and authoritarian mechanisms for social control rolled-out in developed economies.

This reflects the beliefs and objectives of the UHC-G3P leadership.

There is no reason to believe that UHC2030 can improve healthcare and no evidence to suggest that is even the intention.

Consequently "populations" should reject SDG 3 and those who seek to enforce it. The precautionary principle being the prime reason for doing so.

UHC2030: The United Nations' Global Public-Private Partnership For Healthcare.

Unlimited Hangout
Wed, 21 Sep 2022 15:16:00 +0000

Jerm Warfare

Whitney joined Jerm Warfare podcast to discuss One Nation Under Blackmail.

Jerm Warfare.

Unlimited Hangout
Tue, 20 Sep 2022 15:50:43 +0000

Meet Mark Middleton with Ed Berger

In this episode, Whitney is joined by researcher extraordinaire Ed Berger to unravel the mystery behind the recently deceased Mark Middleton, the man who met with Epstein well over ten times at the Clinton White House.

Show notes.
Follow Ed on Twitter or Patreon.
One Nation Under Blackmail ships this week.

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Originally published 09/15/22.

Meet Mark Middleton with Ed Berger.

Unlimited Hangout
Sun, 18 Sep 2022 15:15:00 +0000

Take Control of Your Health with Dr. Mercola

Available on Apple Podcasts, Bitchute, Rumble, and podcast apps.

Take Control of Your Health with Dr. Mercola.

Unlimited Hangout
Sat, 17 Sep 2022 16:12:00 +0000

Macroaggressions #265

Whitney joined Charlie Robinson to discuss her two-volume book series on intelligence agencies, international crime syndicates, dirty banks, and the players behind the networks.
From BCCI to Iran-Contra, to the Savings & Loans fiasco, the events of the 1980s and 1990s seem long forgotten and perhaps unconnected to the blackmail operations run by Jeffrey Epstein and his associates, but as we have come to understand: everything is connected. Video interview available on Rokfin. Also available as a free podcast on Apple Podcasts. Episode 265 of Macroagressions in your podcast app.

Macroaggressions #265.

Unlimited Hangout
Fri, 16 Sep 2022 16:13:02 +0000


Whitney Webb and Iain Davis join Marty to discuss their new series on Sustainable Development Goals. They also discuss the Rockefellers being behind the UN, the destruction of Central America's environment under the guise of sustainability and how to dismantle climate narratives.


Unlimited Hangout
Tue, 13 Sep 2022 17:27:28 +0000


Available on Rokfin.


Unlimited Hangout
Tue, 13 Sep 2022 14:28:18 +0000

Sustainable Debt Slavery

The UN's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is pitched as a "shared blueprint for peace and prosperity for people and the planet, now and into the future." At the heart of this agenda are the 17 Sustainable Development Goals, or SDGs.

Many of these goals sound nice in theory and paint a picture of an emergent global utopia – such as no poverty, no world hunger and reduced inequality. Yet, as is true with so much, the reality behind most – if not all – of the SDGs are policies cloaked in the language of utopia that – in practice – will only benefit the economic elite and entrench their power.

This can clearly be seen in fine print of the SDGs, as there is considerable emphasis on debt and on entrapping nation states (especially developing states) in debt as a means of forcing adoption of SDG-related policies. It is then little coincidence that many of the driving forces behind SDG-related policies, at the UN and elsewhere, are career bankers. Former executives at some of the most predatory financial institutions in the history of the world, from Goldman Sachs to Bank of America to Deutsche Bank, are among the top proponents and developers of SDG-related policies.

Are their interests truly aligned with "sustainable development" and improving the state of the world for regular people, as they now claim? Or do their interests lie where they always have, in a profit-driven economic model based on debt slavery and outright theft?

In this Unlimited Hangout investigative series, we will be exploring these questions and interrogating – not only the power structures behind the SDGs and related policies – but also their practical impacts.

In this first instalment, we will explore what actually underpins the majority of the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, cutting through the flowery language to deliver the full picture of what the implementation of these policies means for the average person. Subsequent instalments will focus on case studies based on specific SDGs and their sector-specific impacts.

Overall, this series will offer a fact-based and objective look at how the motivation behind the SDGs and Agenda 2030 is about retooling the same economic imperialism used by the Anglo-American Empire in the post-World War II era for the purposes of the coming "multipolar world order" and efforts to enact a global neo-feudal model, perhaps best summarized as a model for "sustainable slavery."

The SDG Word Salad
The UN educates young people in developing nations to welcome "Sustainable Development" without disclosing the impact it will have on their lives or their national economy, Source: UNICEF

Most people are aware of the concept of "Sustainable Development" but, it is fair to say that the majority believe that SDGs are related to tackling problems allegedly wrought by climate disaster. However, the Agenda 2030 SDGs encompass every facet of our lives and only one, SDG 13, deals explicitly with climate.

From economic and food security to education, employment and all business activity; name any sphere of human activity, including the most personal, and there is an associated SDG designed to "transform" it. Yet, it is the SDG 17—Partnerships for Goals—through which we can start to identify who the beneficiaries of this system really are.

The stated UN SDG 17 aim is, in part, to:

Enhance global macroeconomic stability, including through policy coordination and policy coherence. [. . .] Enhance the global partnership for sustainable development, complemented by multi-stakeholder partnerships [. . .] to support the achievement of the sustainable development goals in all countries. [. . .] Encourage and promote effective public, public-private and civil society partnerships, building on the experience and resourcing strategies of partnerships.

From this, we can deduce that "multi-stakeholder partnerships" are supposed to work together to achieve "macroeconomic stability" in "all countries." This will be accomplished by enforcing "policy coordination and policy coherence" constructed from the "knowledge" of "public, public-private and civil society partnerships." These "partnerships" will deliver the SDGs.

This word-salad requires some untangling, because this is the framework that enables the implementation of every SDG "in all countries."

Before we do, it is worth noting that the UN often refers to itself and its decisions using grandiose language. Even the most trivial of deliberations are treated as "historic" or "ground breaking," etc. There is also a lot of fluff to wade through about transparency, accountability, sustainability and so on.

These are just words which require corresponding action in order to have contextual meaning. "Transparency" doesn't mean much if crucial information is buried in endless reams of impenetrable bureaucratic waffle that isn't reported to the public by anyone. "Accountability" is an anathema if even national governments lack the authority to exercise oversight over the UN; and when "sustainable" is used to mean "transformative," it becomes an oxymoron.

Untangling the UN-G3P SDG Word Salad

The UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) commissioned a paper which defines "multi-stakeholder partnerships" as:

[P]artnerships between business, NGOs, Governments, the United Nations and other actors.

These "multi-stakeholder partnerships" are supposedly working to create global "macroeconomic stability" as a prerequisite for the implementation of the SDGs. But, just like the term "intergovernmental organisation," the meaning of "macroeconomic stability" has also been transformed by the UN and its specialised agencies.

While macroeconomic stability used to mean "full employment and stable economic growth, accompanied by low inflation," the UN have announced that isn't what it means today. Economic growth now has to be "smart" in order to meet SDG requirements.

Crucially, fiscal balance—the difference between a government's revenue and expenditure—must accommodate "sustainable development" by creating "fiscal space." This effectively disassociates the term "macroeconomic stability" from "real economic activity."

The "transformative" SDGs, Source: UN

Climate change is seen, not just as an environmental problem, but as a "serious financial, economic and social problem." Therefore "fiscal space" must be engineered to finance the "policy coordination and policy coherence" needed to avert the prophesied disaster. 

The UN Department for Economic and Social Affairs (UN-DESA) notes that "fiscal space" lacks a precise definition. While some economists define it simply as "the availability of budgetary room that allows a government to provide resources for a desired purpose," others express "budgetary room" as a calculation based upon a countries debt-to-GDP ratio and "projected" growth.

UN-DESA suggests that "fiscal space" boils down to the estimated—or projected—"debt sustainability gap." This is defined as "the difference between a country's current debt level and its estimated sustainable debt level."

No one knows what events may impact future economic growth. A pandemic or another war in Europe could severely restrict it, or cause a recession. The "debt sustainability gap" is a theoretical concept based upon little more than wishful thinking.

As such, this allows policy makers to adopt a malleable, and relatively arbitrary, interpretation of "fiscal space." They can borrow to finance sustainable development spending, irrespective of real economic conditions.

The primary objective of fiscal policy used to be to maintain employment and price stability and encourage economic growth through the equitable distribution of wealth and resources. It has been transformed by sustainable development. Now it aims to achieve "sustainable trajectories for revenues, expenditures, and deficits" that emphasise "fiscal space."

If this necessitates increased taxation and/or borrowing, so be it. Regardless of the impact this has on real economic activity, it's all fine because, according to the World Bank:

Debt is a critical form of financing for the sustainable development goals.

Spending deficits and increasing debt are not a problem because "failure to achieve sustainable development goals" would be far more unacceptable and would increase debt even further. Any amount of sovereign debt can be heaped upon the taxpayer in order to protect us from the much more dangerous economic disaster that would allegedly befall us if the SDGs aren't quickly implemented.

In other words, economic, financial and monetary crises will hardly be absent in the world of "sustainable development." The rationale outlined above will likely be used to justify such crises. This is the model envisioned by the UN and its "multi-stakeholder partners." For those behind the SDGs, the ends justify the means. Any travesty can be justified as long as it is committed in the name of "sustainability."

We are faced with a global policy initiative, affecting every corner of our lives, based upon the logical fallacy of circular reasoning. The effective destruction of society is necessary in order to protect us from something that we are told is to be much worse.

Obedience is a virtue because, unless we adhere to the policy demands imposed upon us, and accept the costs, the climate disaster might come to pass.

Armed with this knowledge, it becomes much easier to translate the convoluted UN-G3P word-salad and figure out what the UN actually means by the term "Sustainable Development":

Governments will tax their populations, increasing deficits and national debt where necessary, to create financial slush funds that private multinational corporations, philanthropic foundations and NGOs can access in order to distribute their SDG compliance-based products, services and policy agendas. The new SDG markets will be protected by government sustainability legislation, which is designed by the same "partners" who profit from and control the new global SDG-based economy.

"Green" Debt Traps
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) headquarters building in Washington DC, Source: Brookings

Debt is specifically identified as a key component of SDG implementation, particularly in the developing world. In a 2018 paper written by a joint World Bank-IMF team, it was noted on several occasions that "debt vulnerabilities" in developing economies are being addressed by those financial institutions "within the context of the global development agenda (e.g., SDGs)."

That same year, the World Bank and IMF's Debt Sustainability Framework (DSF) became operational. Per the World Bank, the DSF "allows creditors to tailor their financing terms in anticipation of future risks and helps countries balance the need for funds with the ability to repay their debts." It also "guides countries in supporting the SDGs, when their ability to service debt is limited."

Expressed differently, if countries cannot pay the debt they incur through IMF loans and World Bank (and associated Multilateral Development Bank) financing, they will be offered options to "repay" their debt through implementing SDG-related policies. However, as future instalments of this series will show, many of these options supposedly tailored to SDG implementation actually follow the "debt for land swap" model (now re-tooled as "debt for conservation swaps" or "debt for climate swaps") that precede the SDGs and Agenda 2030 by a number of years. This model essentially enables land grabs and land/natural resource theft on a scale never before seen in human history.

Since their creation in the aftermath of World War II, both the World Bank and IMF have historically used debt to force countries, mostly in the developing world, to adopt policies that favour the global power structure. This was made explicit in a leaked US Army document written in 2008, which states that these institutions are used as unconventional, financial "weapons in times of conflict up to and including large-scale general war" and as "weapons" in terms of influencing "the policies and cooperation of state governments." The document notes that these institutions in particular have a "long history of conducting economic warfare valuable to any ARSOF [Army Special Operations Forces] UW [Unconventional Warfare] campaign."

The document further notes that these "financial weapons" can be used by the US military to create "financial incentives or disincentives to persuade adversaries, allies and surrogates to modify their behavior at the theater strategic, operational, and tactical levels." Further, these unconventional warfare campaigns are highly coordinated with the State Department and the Intelligence Community in determining "which elements of the human terrain in UWOA [Unconventional Warfare Operations Area] are most susceptible to financial engagement."

Notably, the World Bank and the IMF are listed as both Financial Instruments and Diplomatic Instruments of US National Power as well as integral parts of what the manual calls the "current global governance system."

While they were once "financial weapons" to be wielded by the Anglo-American Empire, the current shifts in the "global governance system" also herald a shift in who is able to weaponize the World Bank and IMF for their explicit benefit. As the sun sets on the imperial, "unipolar" model and the dawn of a "multipolar" world order is upon us. The World Bank and IMF have already been brought under the control of a new international power structure following the creation of the UN-backed Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) in 2021.

At the COP26 conference that same year, GFANZ announced plans to overhaul the role of the World Bank and IMF specifically as part of a broader plan aimed at "transforming" the global financial system. This was made explicit by GFANZ principal and BlackRock CEO Larry Fink during a COP26 panel, where he specified the plan to overhaul these institutions, saying:

If we're going to be serious about climate change in the emerging world, we're going to have to really focus on the reimagination of the World Bank and the IMF.

GFANZ's plans to "reimagine" these international financial institutions involve merging them with the private-banking interests that compose GFANZ; creating a new system of "global financial governance"; and eroding national sovereignty (particularly in the developing world) by forcing them to establish business environments deemed friendly to the interests of GFANZ members.

As noted in a previous Unlimited Hangout report, GFANZ seeks to use the World Bank and related institutions "to globally impose massive and extensive deregulation on developing countries by using the decarbonization push as justification. No longer must MDBs [multilateral development banks] entrap developing nations in debt to force policies that benefit foreign and multinational private-sector entities, as climate change-related justification can now be used for the same ends."

GFANZ Progress Report, November 2021Download

Debt remains the main weapon in the arsenal of the World Bank and IMF, and will be used for the same "imperial" ends, only now with different benefactors and a different array of policies to impose on their prey – the SDGs.

The UN's Quiet Revolution

GFANZ is a significant driver of "sustainable development." It is, nonetheless, just one of many SDG related "public-private partnerships." The GFANZ website states:

GFANZ provides a forum for leading financial institutions to accelerate the transition to a net-zero global economy. Our members currently include more than 450 member firms from across the global financial sector, representing more than $130 trillion in assets under management.

GFANZ is formed from a number of "alliances." The banks, asset managers, asset owners, insurers, financial service providers and investment consultancies each have their own global partnership networks that collectively contribute to the GFANZ forum. 

For example, the UN's Net Zero Banking Alliance affords Citigroup, Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan, HSBC and others the opportunity to pursue their ideas through the GFANZ forum. They are among the key "stakeholders" in the SDG transformation.

In order to "accelerate the transition," the GFANZ forum's "Call to Action" empowers these multinational corporations to stipulate specific policy requests. They have decided that governments should adopt "economy-wide net-zero targets." Governments also need to:

[R]eform [. . . ] financial regulations to support the net zero transition; phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies; pric[e] carbon emissions; mandat[e] net zero transition plans and [set] climate reporting for public and private enterprises by 2024

All of this is necessary, we are told, to avert the "climate disaster" that might happen one day. Therefore, this "global financial governance" policy agenda is simply unavoidable and we should allow private (and historically predatory) financial institutions to create policy aimed at de-regulating the very markets in which they operate. After all, the "race to Net Zero" must happen at break-neck speed and, per GFANZ, the only way to "win" involves scaling "private capital flows to emerging and developing economies" like never before. Were the flow of this "private capital" to be impeded by existing regulations or other obstacles, it would surely spell planetary destruction.

King Charles III, explained the new global SDG economy that will relegate elected governments to "enabling partners." Then titled Prince Charles, speaking at COP26, in preparation for the GFANZ announcement, he said:

My plea today is for countries to come together to create the environment that enables every sector of industry to take the action required. We know this will take trillions, not billions of dollars. We also know that countries, many of whom are burdened by growing levels of debt, simply cannot afford to go green. Here we need a vast military style campaign to marshal the strength of the global private sector, with trillions at its disposal far beyond global GDP, [. . .] beyond even the governments of the world's leaders. It offers the only real prospect of achieving fundamental economic transition.

Just as the alleged urgency to implement the SDGs exonerates public policy makers, it also lets the private sector, that drives the antecedent policy agendas, off the hook. The fact that the debt they collectively create primarily benefits private capital is just a coincidence; an allegedly inescapable, consequence of creating the "fiscal space" needed to deliver "sustainable development."

The UN's increasing reliance upon these "multi-stakeholder partnerships" is the result of the "quiet revolution" that occurred in the UN during the 1990s. In 1998, then UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, told the World Economic Forum's Davos symposium:

The business of the United Nations involves the businesses of the world. [. . .] We also promote private sector development and foreign direct investment. We help countries to join the international trading system and enact business-friendly legislation.

Kofi Annan, Secretary-General, United Nations (1997 – 2006) is a member of the Foundation Board of the World Economic Forum and Co-Chair of the World Economic Forum on Africa. Here, he speaks at the Opening Plenary on Africa and the New Global Economy at the World Economic Forum on Africa 2009 in Cape Town, South Africa, Source: WEF

The 2017 UN General Assembly Resolution 70/224 (A/Res/70/224) decreed that the UN would work "tirelessly for the full implementation of this Agenda [Agenda 2030]" through the global dissemination of "concrete policies and actions." 

In keeping with Annan's admission, these enacted policies and actions are designed, via "global financial governance," to be "business-friendly."

A/Res/70/224 added that the UN would maintain:

The strong political commitment to address the challenge of financing and creating an enabling environment at all levels for sustainable development. [. . .] [P]articularly with regard to developing partnerships through the provision of greater opportunities to the private sector, non-governmental organizations and civil society in general [. . .], in particular in the pursuit of sustainable development [SDGs].

This "enabling environment" is synonymous with the "fiscal space" demanded by the World Bank and other UN specialised agencies. The term also makes an appearance in the GFANZ progress report, which states that the World Bank and Multilateral Development Banks should be used to prompt developing nations "to create the right high-level, cross-cutting enabling environments" for alliance members' investments in those nations.

This concept was firmly established in 2015 at the Adis Ababa Action Agenda conference on "financing for development." The gathered delegates from 193 UN nation states committed their respective populations to an ambitious financial investment programme to pay for sustainable development.

They collectively agreed to create:

…an enabling environment at all levels for sustainable development; [. . .] to further strengthen the framework to finance sustainable development.

The "enabling environment" is a government, and therefore taxpayer-funded commitment to SDGs. Annan's successor and the 9th Secretary General of the UN, António Guterres, authorised a 2017 report on A/Res/70/224 which read:

The United Nations must urgently rise to the challenge of unlocking the full potential of collaboration with the private sector and other partners. [. . .] [T]he United Nations system recognizes the need to further pivot towards partnerships that more effectively leverage private sector resources and expertise. The United Nations is also seeking to play a stronger catalytic role in sparking a new wave of financing and innovation needed to achieve the Goals [SDGs].

While called an intergovernmental organisation, the UN is not just a collaboration between governments. Some might reasonably argue that it never was.

The UN was created, in no small measure, thanks to the efforts of the private sector and the "philanthropic" arms of oligarchs. For instance, the Rockefeller Foundation's (RF's) comprehensive financial and operational support for the Economic, Financial and Transit Department (EFTD) of the League of Nations (LoN), and its considerable influence upon the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), arguably made the RF the key player in the transition of the LoN into the UN.

In addition, the Rockefeller family, which has long promoted "internationalist" policies that expand and entrench global governance, donated the land on which the UN's headquarters in New York sits, among other sizeable donations to the UN over the years. It should come as little surprise that the UN is particularly fond of one of their main donors and has long partnered with the RF and praised the organisation as a model for "global philanthropy."

The five Rockefeller brothers. Left to right: David, Winthrop, John D Rockefeller III, Nelson and Laurance, source: World Finance

The UN was essentially founded upon a public-private partnership model. In 2000, the Executive Committee of the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) published Private Sector Involvement and Cooperation with the United Nations System:

The United Nations and the private sector have always had extensive commercial links through the procurement activities of the former. [. . .] The United Nations market provides a springboard for a company to introduce its goods and services to other countries and regions. [. . .] The private sector has also long participated, directly or indirectly, in the normative and standard-setting work of the United Nations.

Being able to influence, not only government procurement, but also the development of new global markets and the regulation of the same is, obviously, an extremely attractive proposition for multinational corporations and investors. Unsurprisingly, UN projects that utilise the "public-private" model are the favoured approach of the world's leading capitalists. For instance, it has long been the favoured model of the Rockefeller family, who often finance such projects through their respective philanthropic foundations.

In the years since its inception, public-private partnerships have expanded to become dominant within the UN system, particularly with regard to "sustainable development." Successive Secretary Generals have overseen the UN's formal transition into the United Nations' Global Public-Private Partnership (UN-G3P).

As a result of this transformation, the role of nation state governments at the UN has also changed dramatically. For instance, in 2005, the World Health Organisation (WHO), another specialised agency of the UN, published a report on the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in healthcare titled Connecting for Health. Speaking about how "stakeholders" could introduce ICT healthcare solutions globally, the WHO noted:

Governments can create an enabling environment, and invest in equity, access and innovation.

As King Charles III noted last year in Glasgow, governments of "democratic" nation have been given the role of "enabling" partners. Their job is to create the fiscal environment in which their private sector partners operate. Sustainability policies are developed by a global network comprised of governments, multinational corporations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society organisations and "other actors."

The "other actors" are predominantly the philanthropic foundations of individual billionaires and immensely wealthy family dynasties, such as the Bill and Melinda Gates (BMGF) or the Rockefeller Foundations. Collectively, these "actors" constitute the "multi-stakeholder partnership."

During the pseudopandemic, many came to acknowledge the influence of the BMGF over the WHO, but they are just one of many other private foundations that are also valued UN "stakeholders."

The UN is, itself, a global collaboration between governments and a multinational infra-governmental network of private "stakeholders." The foundations, NGOs, civil society organisations and global corporations represent an infra-governmental network of stakeholders, just as powerful, if not more so, than any power block of nation states.

Public-Private Partnership: An Ideology
The UN and the WEF, which bills itself as the premier global promoter of public-private partnerships, signed a strategic framework in June 2019, Source: WEF

In 2016, UN-DESA published a working paper investigating the value of public-private partnerships (G3Ps) for achieving the SDGs. The lead author, Jomo KS, was the Assistant Secretary General in the United Nations system responsible for economic research (2005-2015).

UN-DESA broadly found that G3Ps, in their current form, were not fit for purpose:

[C]laims of reduced cost and efficient delivery of services through [G3Ps] to save tax payers money and benefit consumers were mostly empty and [. . .] ideological assertions. [. . ] [G3P] projects were more costly to build and finance, provided poorer quality services and were less accessible [. . .] Moreover, many essential services were less accountable to citizens when private corporations were involved. [. . .] Investors in [G3Ps] face a relatively benign risk [. . .] penalty clauses for non-delivery by private partners are less than rigorous, the study questioned whether risk was really being transferred to the private partners in these projects. [. . .] [T]he evidence suggests that [G3Ps] have often tended to be more expensive than the alternative of public procurement while in a number of instances they have failed to deliver the envisaged gains in quality of service provision.

Citing the work of Whitfield (2010), which examined G3Ps in Europe, North America, Australia, Russia, China, India and Brazil, UN-DESA noted that these led to "the buying and selling schools and hospitals like commodities in a global supermarket."

The UN-DESA reports also reminded the UN's G3P enthusiasts that numerous intergovernmental organisations had found G3Ps wanting:

Evaluations done by the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and European Investment Bank (EIB) – the organizations normally promoting [G3Ps] – have found a number of cases where [G3Ps] did not yield the expected outcome and resulted in a significant rise in government fiscal liabilities.

Little has changed since 2016 and yet the UN-G3P insist that public-private partnership is the only way to achieve SDGs. Ignoring the assessment from its own investigators, In General Assembly Resolution 74/2 (A/Res/74/2) the UN declared:

[UN member states] Recognize the need for strong global, regional and national partnerships for Sustainable Development Goals, which engage all relevant stakeholders to collaboratively support the efforts of Member States to achieve health-related Sustainable Development Goals, including universal health coverage [UHC2030] [. . .] the inclusion of all relevant stakeholders is one of the core components of health system governance. [. . . ] [We] Reaffirm General Assembly resolution 69/313 [. . .] to address the challenge of financing and creating an enabling environment at all levels for sustainable development. [We will] provide [. . .] sustainable finances, while improving their effectiveness [. . .] through domestic, bilateral, regional and multilateral channels, including partnerships with the private sector and other relevant stakeholders.

This UN commitment to global public-private partnership is an "ideological assertion" and is not based upon the available evidence. In order for G3Ps to actually function as claimed, UN-DESA stipulated that a number of structural changes would need to be put in place first.

These included careful identification of where a G3P could work. UN-DESA found that G3Ps may be suited to some infrastructure projects but were damaging to projects dealing with public health, education or the environment.

The UN researchers stated that diligent oversight and regulation of pricing and the alleged transfer of risk would be required; comprehensive and transparent fiscal accounting systems were needed; better reporting standards should be developed and rigorous legal and regulatory safeguards were necessary.

None of the required structural or policy changes recommended in the UN-DESA 2016 report have been implemented.

Sustainability for whom?

Agenda 2030 marks the waypoint along the path to Agenda 21. Publicly launched at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, Section 8 explained how "sustainable development" would be integrated into decision making:

The primary need is to integrate environmental and developmental decision-making processes. [. . .] Countries will develop their own priorities in accordance with their national plans, policies and programmes.

Sustainable development has been integrated with every policy decision. Not only does every country have a national sustainability plan, these have devolved to local government.

It is a global strategy to extend the reach of global financial institutions into every corner of the economy and society. Policy will be controlled by the bankers and the think-tanks that infiltrated the environmental movement decades ago.

No community is free of "global financial governance."

Simply put, sustainable development supplants decision making at the national and local level with global governance. It is an ongoing, and thus far successful, global coup.

But more than this, it is a system for global control. Those of us who live in developed nations will have our behaviour changed as a psychological and economic war is waged against us to force our compliance.

Developing nations will be kept in penury as the fruits of modern industrial and technological development are denied to them. Instead they will be burdened with the debt foisted upon them by the global centres of financial power, their resources pillaged, their land stolen and their assets seized – all in the name of "sustainability."

Yet it is perhaps the financialisation of nature, inherent to sustainable development, that is the greatest danger of all. The creation of natural asset classes, converting forests into carbon sequestration initiatives and water sources into human settlement services. As subsequent instalments of this series will show, several SDGs have financialising nature at their core.

As openly stated by the UN, "sustainable development" is all about transformation, not necessarily "sustainability" as most people conceive of it. It aims to transform the Earth and everything on it, including us, into commodities – the trading of which will form the basis of a new global economy. Though it is being sold to us as "sustainable," the only thing this new global financial system will "sustain" is the power of a predatory financial elite.

Sustainable Debt Slavery.

Unlimited Hangout
Fri, 09 Sep 2022 19:59:37 +0000


England Bans COVID Jab For Under 12 & Quebec Admits COVID Severity "Less Than Flu" For Children.

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