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Military Bases Housing Migrant Children Plagued by Serial Sexual Abuse Claims

Over the first few months of 2021, the migrant crisis at the US-Mexico border has exploded. Due to the policies of the Obama, Trump and now Biden administrations, many of those migrants, particularly unaccompanied minors, remain housed in increasingly controversial "overflow facilities."

Despite promises to reverse the policy, the Biden administration instead has taken the unprecedented step of now housing thousands of these unaccompanied minors on US military bases, a jolting move that hardly generated any attention from either the mainstream or independent media. This is true even for left-leaning outlets that spent much of the Trump era railing against and calling for the closure of these detention facilities as well as the increasing militarization of the US-Mexico border. The only exceptions have been those few outlets that covered the dangerous environmental contamination present at some of the bases now involved.

Currently, unaccompanied minors are being housed at two military bases in Texas and one in California. While there was media coverage of the decision to house children and teens at these bases, there was little journalistic interest in looking deeper into the issues of these particular bases, some of which are known for extremely unsanitary conditions or for allowing "serial rapists" to serve on base for years despite numerous reports about their crimes to base leadership. One of these bases has the highest rate of sexual assaults out of any joint base in the entire Department of Defense.

Not only that, but the US military's computer network has consistently ranked among the top internet service providers for the trafficking of child pornography, further underscoring why military bases, particularly these military bases, are unsuitable for children.

Also concerning is the fact that US officials refuse to say how many children are being sent to these bases. HHS currently has more than 13,000 kids in their custody. That number is only projected to grow, with Customs and Border Protection now projecting that 184,000 unaccompanied minors could end up in government custody by this time next year.

In addition, these bases have not yet released photos of where the minors are kept and have even banned soldiers on these bases from photographing the areas where the children are being held. The tents they are housed in are said to be able to house 1,000 people each, implying that each base has received thousands of migrant children in recent weeks.

In recent years, prior to the current spike in the severity of the border crisis, thousands of migrant children that were placed into this system of "overflow facilities" and detention centers have been "lost" by the government and some have reported acts of physical and sexual abuse inside these facilities. These children's reunification with their families can take months or years and, for many, it doesn't happen at all. Now, with the opening up of these specific military bases to these unaccompanied children, it seems clear that these new, military-run enclosures are likely to be even more unsafe and are hardly a solution to the current situation on the US' Southern border.

The Texas Bases: Fort Bliss and Joint Base San Antonio
Army Staff Sgt. Randall Hughes was allowed to serve at Fort Bliss for over a decade despite being known as a "serial rapist" to Base leadership. Source: US Army Photo

Texas' Fort Bliss and Joint Base Sant Antonio have both become notorious for their disturbing and frequent sexual abuse claims, overshadowed only by another Texas military base – Fort Hood. In 2017, a Pentagon study found that Joint Base San Antonio had the highest rate of sexual assault reports out of all the other joint base installations in the entire Department of Defense, registering 881 cases from 2013 to 2017. Before that period, Lackland Air Force Base, part of Joint Base San Antonio, saw 62 cadets allege that more than 30 training instructors on the base had sexually abused them in some way. The figures at the base are likely much higher given that most sexual abuse cases go unreported in the Armed Forces, with media reporting in 2014 that only 3,300 reports were filed out of a total of 26,000 reported instances of unwanted sexual contact or sexual abuse that year.

In the case of Fort Bliss, the base has counted among its ranks particularly egregious sexual criminals who were known to base leadership for years and were allowed to continue to prey on other soldiers, their spouses and even their own children. In just the first few months of 2021, there have been two deeply disturbing cases surrounding Fort Bliss that were recently prosecuted. The first was made public with the January arrest of Pfc. Christian Alvarado on three allegations of sexual assault as well as charges of aggravated assault and making false statements to military investigators. One of Alvarado's alleged victims was Pfc. Asia Graham, who was found dead in her barracks room nearly a year to the day that Alvarado had raped her. Her manner of death has not been disclosed by Fort Bliss.

The second is even more disturbing and provides a clear example of how Fort Bliss leadership have turned a blind eye to sexual abuse of both adults and children for decades. Just last week, Army Staff Sgt. Randall Hughes was sentenced for multiple rapes and sexual assaults, including the rape of his own daughter last year. Troublingly, it wasn't until Hughes' daughter, who was 16 at the time, reported her father for drugging and then raping her that Army leadership began to scrutinize the lengthy record of rape accusations against him that date back to 2006.

One of the claims involved the wife of a soldier under Hughes' charge, who was raped by Hughes in her own house after he got her husband so drunk that he passed out. That particular accusation against Hughes was investigated, but Hughes was not prosecuted and instead had a General Officer Memorandum of Reprimand added to his personnel file. The victim later told the Army Times that "I was told CID [the Army's Criminal Investigative Division] had enough evidence to believe it happened, and Fort Bliss still didn't do anything. They just told me the command said this is what it was — this is how it is."

After violently raping his then-girlfriend and cutting her with a broken bottle, Hughes moved to a different base in New Jersey after gaining custody of his teen daughter while at Fort Bliss. Thus, Fort Bliss leadership had shockingly allowed Hughes to bring a minor on base to live with him despite his history of violent sexual assaults. In March 2020, he would drug and rape his daughter, Lesley Madsen, later pleading guilty to the sexual abuse and assault of a child. The leadership at New Jersey's Fort Dix took action against Hughes and prevented him from preying on others, unlike the leadership of Fort Bliss, whose inaction led to the horrific assault of Hughes' young teen daughter.

In addition to their disturbing track record with both high rates of abuse claims and a "cover-up" culture, both of these bases are also known to be contaminated with dangerous pollutants and chemicals that put the lives of soldiers, and now minors, at risk. In the case of Fort Bliss, the base's history of contamination with cancer-causing compounds is well-documented and has been home to at least 80 toxic sites over the course of its operation. Even the sites at the base that have now been deemed safe by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) continue to be dangerous, with one "cleaned" site found to contain more than 19 times the legal limit of arsenic in its soil.

At Joint Base San Antonio, the water is heavily contaminated due to chemicals from toxic firefighting foam that has been used on base for decades. In addition, as some journalists and environmental watchdogs have noted, Joint Base San Antonio has some of the worst air pollution in the entire United States.

Camp Roberts
One of the hundreds of condemned buildings at Camp Roberts, many of which contain lead, asbestos and other contaminants. Source: Wikimedia

After migrant children began to be sent to the bases in Texas, the Pentagon announced on April 3 that California's Camp Roberts had been approved to house unaccompanied migrant children. While not known for high rates of sex crimes like the Texas bases, Camp Roberts has long had major sanitary and environmental issues much like Fort Bliss and Joint Base San Antonio.

According to reports from Camp Roberts itself, raw sewage can be seen routinely bubbling up from different buildings at the base, with others lacking any sort of heat or air conditioning on a regular basis. In 2011, conditions were so bad on base that Sgt. Dustin Shepard, the noncommissioned officer in charge of camp operations, told his superiors in an email that he was "completely disgusted with the lack of soldier care" that had stemmed from "decades of deferred maintenance and neglect" according to an investigation published that same year by the Sacramento Bee.

Despite efforts to renovate the camp, rodent infestations are commonly reported and the electrical wiring present in several buildings has been called unreliable and, in some cases, unsafe by the camp's commander. Camp leadership have since worked to dismiss allegations that the base is "overrun by mice" and "saturated by raw sewage." In addition, hundreds of long-condemned structures are located throughout Camp Roberts, with signs warning of their contamination with lead, asbestos and hantavirus, an airborne and often deadly disease carried by rodents. In 2018, the government of California accused the camp of improperly disposing of hazardous waste.

Currently, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) lists the entirety of Camp Roberts among its active "Superfund" sites that are deemed by the government to be the most contaminated in the country and in need of urgent, and often expensive, cleanup efforts. Camp Roberts is an active Superfund site, but is no longer on the National Priority List of Superfund sites. The EPA website offers little information about the reasons for the base being listed as a Superfund site, declining to provide relevant reports or lists of contaminants known to be present on its grounds.

Why Are We Trusting these Bases with Vulnerable Children?

It goes without saying that these three military bases are even more unsuitable to house children and teens than the detention facilities that have been used to house them under the last three presidential administrations. With the minors living outside these bases in tents, the environmental contamination and sanitary crises present on these bases pose a direct hazard to their health, especially in the case of Camp Roberts. In the case of the Texas bases, a culture that turns a blind eye to violent rapists for over a decade and a reputation for extremely high rates of sex crimes make it abundantly clear that vulnerable minors separated from their parents or guardians should not be housed there.

Particularly concerning is the assertion made by Fort Bliss leadership when they dismissed Randall Hughes' horrific sex crimes because "this is how it is". If Hughes' ghastly behavior, which later included the rape of a minor, was deemed as such by Fort Bliss leadership, how can those same authorities be trusted with the safety and well-being of thousands of unaccompanied and vulnerable children?

The post Military Bases Housing Migrant Children Plagued by Serial Sexual Abuse Claims appeared first on unlimitedhangout.com.

translate | Fri, 16 Apr 2021 23:50:25 +0000

Chile’s COVID Police State & Smart Cities with Johnny Vedmore

The post Chile's COVID Police State & Smart Cities with Johnny Vedmore appeared first on unlimitedhangout.com.

translate | Fri, 16 Apr 2021 18:24:07 +0000

The Military Origins of Facebook

In mid-February, Daniel Baker, a US veteran described by the media as "anti-Trump, anti-government, anti-white supremacists, and anti-police," was charged by a Florida grand jury with two counts of "transmitting a communication in interstate commerce containing a threat to kidnap or injure."

The communication in question had been posted by Baker on Facebook, where he had created an event page to organize an armed counter-rally to one planned by Donald Trump supporters at the Florida capital of Tallahassee on January 6. "If you are afraid to die fighting the enemy, then stay in bed and live. Call all of your friends and Rise Up!," Baker had written on his Facebook event page.

Baker's case is notable as it is one of the first "precrime" arrests based entirely on social media posts—the logical conclusion of the Trump administration's, and now Biden administration's, push to normalize arresting individuals for online posts to prevent violent acts before they can happen. From the increasing sophistication of US intelligence/military contractor Palantir's predictive policing programs to the formal announcement of the Justice Department's Disruption and Early Engagement Program in 2019 to Biden's first budget, which contains $111 million for pursuing and managing "increasing domestic terrorism caseloads," the steady advance toward a precrime-centered "war on domestic terror" has been notable under every post-9/11 presidential administration.

This new so-called war on domestic terror has actually resulted in many of these types of posts on Facebook. And, while Facebook has long sought to portray itself as a "town square" that allows people from across the world to connect, a deeper look into its apparently military origins and continual military connections reveals that the world's largest social network was always intended to act as a surveillance tool to identify and target domestic dissent.

Part 1 of this two-part series on Facebook and the US national-security state explores the social media network's origins and the timing and nature of its rise as it relates to a controversial military program that was shut down the same day that Facebook launched. The program, known as LifeLog, was one of several controversial post-9/11 surveillance programs pursued by the Pentagon's Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) that threatened to destroy privacy and civil liberties in the United States while also seeking to harvest data for producing "humanized" artificial intelligence (AI).

As this report will show, Facebook is not the only Silicon Valley giant whose origins coincide closely with this same series of DARPA initiatives and whose current activities are providing both the engine and the fuel for a hi-tech war on domestic dissent.

DARPA's Data Mining for "National Security" and to "Humanize" AI

In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, DARPA, in close collaboration with the US intelligence community (specifically the CIA), began developing a "precrime" approach to combatting terrorism known as Total Information Awareness or TIA. The purpose of TIA was to develop an "all-seeing" military-surveillance apparatus. The official logic behind TIA was that invasive surveillance of the entire US population was necessary to prevent terrorist attacks, bioterrorism events, and even naturally occurring disease outbreaks.

The architect of TIA, and the man who led it during its relatively brief existence, was John Poindexter, best known for being Ronald Reagan's National Security Advisor during the Iran-Contra affair and for being convicted of five felonies in relation to that scandal. A less well-known activity of Iran-Contra figures like Poindexter and Oliver North was their development of the Main Core database to be used in "continuity of government" protocols. Main Core was used to compile a list of US dissidents and "potential troublemakers" to be dealt with if the COG protocols were ever invoked. These protocols could be invoked for a variety of reasons, including widespread public opposition to a US military intervention abroad, widespread internal dissent, or a vaguely defined moment of "national crisis" or "time of panic." Americans were not informed if their name was placed on the list, and a person could be added to the list for merely having attended a protest in the past, for failing to pay taxes, or for other, "often trivial," behaviors deemed "unfriendly" by its architects in the Reagan administration.

In light of this, it was no exaggeration when New York Times columnist William Safire remarked that, with TIA, "Poindexter is now realizing his twenty-year dream: getting the 'data-mining' power to snoop on every public and private act of every American."

The TIA program met with considerable citizen outrage after it was revealed to the public in early 2003. TIA's critics included the American Civil Liberties Union, which claimed that the surveillance effort would "kill privacy in America" because "every aspect of our lives would be catalogued," while several mainstream media outlets warned that TIA was "fighting terror by terrifying US citizens." As a result of the pressure, DARPA changed the program's name to Terrorist Information Awareness to make it sound less like a national-security panopticon and more like a program aiming specifically at terrorists in the post-9/11 era.

The logo for DARPA's Information Awareness Office, which oversaw Total Information Awareness during its brief existence

The TIA projects were not actually closed down, however, with most moved to the classified portfolios of the Pentagon and US intelligence community. Some became intelligence funded and guided private-sector endeavors, such as Peter Thiel's Palantir, while others resurfaced years later under the guise of combatting the COVID-19 crisis.

Soon after TIA was initiated, a similar DARPA program was taking shape under the direction of a close friend of Poindexter's, DARPA program manager Douglas Gage. Gage's project, LifeLog, sought to "build a database tracking a person's entire existence" that included an individual's relationships and communications (phone calls, mail, etc.), their media-consumption habits, their purchases, and much more in order to build a digital record of "everything an individual says, sees, or does." LifeLog would then take this unstructured data and organize it into "discreet episodes" or snapshots while also "mapping out relationships, memories, events and experiences."

LifeLog, per Gage and supporters of the program, would create a permanent and searchable electronic diary of a person's entire life, which DARPA argued could be used to create next-generation "digital assistants" and offer users a "near-perfect digital memory." Gage insisted, even after the program was shut down, that individuals would have had "complete control of their own data-collection efforts" as they could "decide when to turn the sensors on or off and decide who will share the data." In the years since then, analogous promises of user control have been made by the tech giants of Silicon Valley, only to be broken repeatedly for profit and to feed the government's domestic-surveillance apparatus.

The information that LifeLog gleaned from an individual's every interaction with technology would be combined with information obtained from a GPS transmitter that tracked and documented the person's location, audio-visual sensors that recorded what the person saw and said, as well as biomedical monitors that gauged the person's health. Like TIA, LifeLog was promoted by DARPA as potentially supporting "medical research and the early detection of an emerging epidemic."

Critics in mainstream media outlets and elsewhere were quick to point out that the program would inevitably be used to build profiles on dissidents as well as suspected terrorists. Combined with TIA's surveillance of individuals at multiple levels, LifeLog went farther by "adding physical information (like how we feel) and media data (like what we read) to this transactional data." One critic, Lee Tien of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, warned at the time that the programs that DARPA was pursuing, including LifeLog, "have obvious, easy paths to Homeland Security deployments."

At the time, DARPA publicly insisted that LifeLog and TIA were not connected, despite their obvious parallels, and that LifeLog would not be used for "clandestine surveillance." However, DARPA's own documentation on LifeLog noted that the project "will be able . . . to infer the user's routines, habits and relationships with other people, organizations, places and objects, and to exploit these patterns to ease its task," which acknowledged its potential use as a tool of mass surveillance.

In addition to the ability to profile potential enemies of the state, LifeLog had another goal that was arguably more important to the national-security state and its academic partners—the "humanization" and advancement of artificial intelligence. In late 2002, just months prior to announcing the existence of LifeLog, DARPA released a strategy document detailing development of artificial intelligence by feeding it with massive floods of data from various sources.

The post-9/11 military-surveillance projects—LifeLog and TIA being only two of them—offered quantities of data that had previously been unthinkable to obtain and that could potentially hold the key to achieving the hypothesized "technological singularity." The 2002 DARPA document even discusses DARPA's effort to create a brain-machine interface that would feed human thoughts directly into machines to advance AI by keeping it constantly awash in freshly mined data.

One of the projects outlined by DARPA, the Cognitive Computing Initiative, sought to develop sophisticated artificial intelligence through the creation of an "enduring personalized cognitive assistant," later termed the Perceptive Assistant that Learns, or PAL. PAL, from the very beginning was tied to LifeLog, which was originally intended to result in granting an AI "assistant" human-like decision-making and comprehension abilities by spinning masses of unstructured data into narrative format.

The would-be main researchers for the LifeLog project also reflect the program's end goal of creating humanized AI. For instance, Howard Shrobe at the MIT Artificial Intelligence Laboratory and his team at the time were set to be intimately involved in LifeLog. Shrobe had previously worked for DARPA on the "evolutionary design of complex software" before becoming associate director of the AI Lab at MIT and has devoted his lengthy career to building "cognitive-style AI." In the years after LifeLog was cancelled, he again worked for DARPA as well as on intelligence community–related AI research projects. In addition, the AI Lab at MIT was intimately connected with the 1980s corporation and DARPA contractor called Thinking Machines, which was founded by and/or employed many of the lab's luminaries—including Danny Hillis, Marvin Minsky, and Eric Lander—and sought to build AI supercomputers capable of human-like thought. All three of these individuals were later revealed to be close associates of and/or sponsored by the intelligence-linked pedophile Jeffrey Epstein, who also generously donated to MIT as an institution and was a leading funder of and advocate for transhumanist-related scientific research.

Soon after the LifeLog program was shuttered, critics worried that, like TIA, it would continue under a different name. For example, Lee Tien of the Electronic Frontier Foundation told VICE at the time of LifeLog's cancellation, "It would not surprise me to learn that the government continued to fund research that pushed this area forward without calling it LifeLog."

Along with its critics, one of the would-be researchers working on LifeLog, MIT's David Karger, was also certain that the DARPA project would continue in a repackaged form. He told Wired that "I am sure such research will continue to be funded under some other title . . . I can't imagine DARPA 'dropping out' of a such a key research area."

The answer to these speculations appears to lie with the company that launched the exact same day that LifeLog was shuttered by the Pentagon: Facebook.

Thiel Information Awareness

After considerable controversy and criticism, in late 2003, TIA was shut down and defunded by Congress, just months after it was launched. It was only later revealed that that TIA was never actually shut down, with its various programs having been covertly divided up among the web of military and intelligence agencies that make up the US national-security state. Some of it was privatized.

The same month that TIA was pressured to change its name after growing backlash, Peter Thiel incorporated Palantir, which was, incidentally, developing the core panopticon software that TIA had hoped to wield. Soon after Palantir's incorporation in 2003, Richard Perle, a notorious neoconservative from the Reagan and Bush administrations and an architect of the Iraq War, called TIA's Poindexter and said he wanted to introduce him to Thiel and his associate Alex Karp, now Palantir's CEO. According to a report in New York magazine, Poindexter "was precisely the person" whom Thiel and Karp wanted to meet, mainly because "their new company was similar in ambition to what Poindexter had tried to create at the Pentagon," that is, TIA. During that meeting, Thiel and Karp sought "to pick the brain of the man now widely viewed as the godfather of modern surveillance."

Peter Thiel speaks at the World Economic Forum in 2013, Source: Mirko Ries Courtesy for the World Economic Forum

Soon after Palantir's incorporation, though the exact timing and details of the investment remain hidden from the public, the CIA's In-Q-Tel became the company's first backer, aside from Thiel himself, giving it an estimated $2 million. In-Q-Tel's stake in Palantir would not be publicly reported until mid-2006.

The money was certainly useful. In addition, Alex Karp told the New York Times in October 2020, "the real value of the In-Q-Tel investment was that it gave Palantir access to the CIA analysts who were its intended clients." A key figure in the making of In-Q-Tel investments during this period, including the investment in Palantir, was the CIA's chief information officer, Alan Wade, who had been the intelligence community's point man for Total Information Awareness. Wade had previously cofounded the post-9/11 Homeland Security software contractor Chiliad alongside Christine Maxwell, sister of Ghislaine Maxwell and daughter of Iran-Contra figure, intelligence operative, and media baron Robert Maxwell.

After the In-Q-Tel investment, the CIA would be Palantir's only client until 2008. During that period, Palantir's two top engineers—Aki Jain and Stephen Cohen—traveled to CIA headquarters at Langley, Virginia, every two weeks. Jain recalls making at least two hundred trips to CIA headquarters between 2005 and 2009. During those regular visits, CIA analysts "would test [Palantir's software] out and offer feedback, and then Cohen and Jain would fly back to California to tweak it." As with In-Q-Tel's decision to invest in Palantir, the CIA's chief information officer during this time remained one of TIA's architects. Alan Wade played a key role in many of these meetings and subsequently in the "tweaking" of Palantir's products.

Today, Palantir's products are used for mass surveillance, predictive policing, and other disconcerting policies of the US national-security state. A telling example is Palantir's sizable involvement in the new Health and Human Services–run wastewater surveillance program that is quietly spreading across the United States. As noted in a previous Unlimited Hangout report, that system is the resurrection of a TIA program called Biosurveillance. It is feeding all its data into the Palantir-managed and secretive HHS Protect data platform. The decision to turn controversial DARPA-led programs into a private ventures, however, was not limited to Thiel's Palantir.

The Rise of Facebook

The shuttering of TIA at DARPA had an impact on several related programs, which were also dismantled in the wake of public outrage over DARPA's post-9/11 programs. One of these programs was LifeLog. As news of the program spread through the media, many of the same vocal critics who had attacked TIA went after LifeLog with similar zeal, with Steven Aftergood of the Federation of American Scientists telling Wired at the time that "LifeLog has the potential to become something like 'TIA cubed.'" LifeLog being viewed as something that would prove even worse than the recently cancelled TIA had a clear effect on DARPA, which had just seen both TIA and another related program cancelled after considerable backlash from the public and the press.

The firestorm of criticism of LifeLog took its program manager, Doug Gage, by surprise, and Gage has continued to assert that the program's critics "completely mischaracterized" the goals and ambitions of the project. Despite Gage's protests and those of LifeLog's would-be researchers and other supporters, the project was publicly nixed on February 4, 2004. DARPA never provided an explanation for its quiet move to shutter LifeLog, with a spokesperson stating only that it was related to "a change in priorities" for the agency. On DARPA director Tony Tether's decision to kill LifeLog, Gage later told VICE, "I think he had been burnt so badly with TIA that he didn't want to deal with any further controversy with LifeLog. The death of LifeLog was collateral damage tied to the death of TIA."

Fortuitously for those supporting the goals and ambitions of LifeLog, a company that turned out to be its private-sector analogue was born on the same day that LifeLog's cancellation was announced. On February 4, 2004, what is now the world's largest social network, Facebook, launched its website and quickly rose to the top of the social media roost, leaving other social media companies of the era in the dust.

Sean Parker of Founders Fund speaks during the LeWeb conference in 2011, Source: @Kmeron for LeWeb11 @ Les Docks de Paris

A few months into Facebook's launch, in June 2004, Facebook cofounders Mark Zuckerberg and Dustin Moskovitz brought Sean Parker onto Facebook's executive team. Parker, previously known for cofounding Napster, later connected Facebook with its first outside investor, Peter Thiel. As discussed, Thiel, at that time, in coordination with the CIA, was actively trying to resurrect controversial DARPA programs that had been dismantled the previous year. Notably, Sean Parker, who became Facebook's first president, also had a history with the CIA, which recruited him at the age of sixteen soon after he had been busted by the FBI for hacking corporate and military databases. Thanks to Parker, in September 2004, Thiel formally acquired $500,000 worth of Facebook shares and was added its board. Parker maintained close ties to Facebook as well as to Thiel, with Parker being hired as a managing partner of Thiel's Founders Fund in 2006.

Thiel and Facebook cofounder Mosokvitz became involved outside of the social network long after Facebook's rise to prominence, with Thiel's Founder Fund becoming a significant investor in Moskovitz's company Asana in 2012. Thiel's longstanding symbiotic relationship with Facebook cofounders extends to his company Palantir, as the data that Facebook users make public invariably winds up in Palantir's databases and helps drive the surveillance engine Palantir runs for a handful of US police departments, the military, and the intelligence community. In the case of the Facebook–Cambridge Analytica data scandal, Palantir was also involved in utilizing Facebook data to benefit the 2016 Donald Trump presidential campaign.

Today, as recent arrests such as that of Daniel Baker have indicated, Facebook data is slated to help power the coming "war on domestic terror," given that information shared on the platform is being used in "precrime" capture of US citizens, domestically. In light of this, it is worth dwelling on the point that Thiel's exertions to resurrect the main aspects of TIA as his own private company coincided with his becoming the first outside investor in what was essentially the analogue of another DARPA program deeply intertwined with TIA.

Facebook, a Front

Because of the coincidence that Facebook launched the same day that LifeLog was shut down, there has been recent speculation that Zuckerberg began and launched the project with Moskovitz, Saverin, and others through some sort of behind-the-scenes coordination with DARPA or another organ of the national-security state. While there is no direct evidence for this precise claim, the early involvement of Parker and Thiel in the project, particularly given the timing of Thiel's other activities, reveals that the national-security state was involved in Facebook's rise. It is debatable whether Facebook was intended from its inception to be a LifeLog analogue or if it happened to be the social media project that fit the bill after its launch. The latter seems more likely, especially considering that Thiel also invested in another early social media platform, Friendster.

An important point linking Facebook and LifeLog is the subsequent identification of Facebook with LifeLog by the latter's DARPA architect himself. In 2015, Gage told VICE that "Facebook is the real face of pseudo-LifeLog at this point." He tellingly added, "We have ended up providing the same kind of detailed personal information to advertisers and data brokers and without arousing the kind of opposition that LifeLog provoked."

Users of Facebook and other large social media platforms have so far been content to allow these platforms to sell their private data so long as they publicly operate as private enterprises. Backlash only really emerged when such activities were publicly tied to the US government, and especially the US military, even though Facebook and other tech giants routinely share their users' data with the national-security state. In practice, there is little difference between the public and private entities.

Edward Snowden, the NSA whistleblower, notably warned in 2019 that Facebook is just as untrustworthy as US intelligence, stating that "Facebook's internal purpose, whether they state it publicly or not, is to compile perfect records of private lives to the maximum extent of their capability, and then exploit that for their own corporate enrichment. And damn the consequences."

Snowden also stated in the same interview that "the more Google knows about you, the more Facebook knows about you, the more they are able . . . to create permanent records of private lives, the more influence and power they have over us." This underscores how both Facebook and intelligence-linked Google have accomplished much of what LifeLog had aimed to do, but on a much larger scale than what DARPA had originally envisioned.

The reality is that most of the large Silicon Valley companies of today have been closely linked to the US national-security state establishment since their inception. Notable examples aside from Facebook and Palantir include Google and Oracle. Today these companies are more openly collaborating with the military-intelligence agencies that guided their development and/or provided early funding, as they are used to provide the data needed to fuel the newly announced war on domestic terror and its accompanying algorithms.

It is hardly a coincidence that someone like Peter Thiel, who built Palantir with the CIA and helped ensure Facebook's rise, is also heavily involved in Big Data AI-driven "predictive policing" approaches to surveillance and law enforcement, both through Palantir and through his other investments. TIA, LifeLog, and related government and private programs and institutions launched after 9/11, were always intended to be used against the American public in a war against dissent. This was noted by their critics in 2003-4 and by those who have examined the origins of the "homeland security" pivot in the US and its connection to past CIA "counterterror" programs in Vietnam and Latin America.

Ultimately, the illusion of Facebook and related companies as being independent of the US national-security state has prevented a recognition of the reality of social media platforms and their long-intended, yet covert uses, which we are beginning to see move into the open following the events of January 6. Now, with billions of people conditioned to use Facebook and social media as part of their daily lives, the question becomes: If that illusion were to be irrevocably shattered today, would it make a difference to Facebook's users? Or has the populace become so conditioned to surrendering their private data in exchange for dopamine-fueled social-validation loops that it no longer matters who ends up holding that data?

Part 2 of this series on Facebook will explore how the social media platform has grown into a behemoth that is much more extensive than what LifeLog's program managers had originally envisioned. In concert with military contractors and former heads of DARPA, Facebook has spent the last several years doing two key things: (1) preparing to play a much larger role in surveillance and data mining than it currently does; and (2) advancing the development of a "humanized" AI, a major objective of LifeLog.

Featured image: Mark Zuckerberg walks among attendees at a VR conference in Barcelona, Spain in 2016, Source: Mark Zuckerberg's Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/zuck/posts/10102665126861201

The post The Military Origins of Facebook appeared first on unlimitedhangout.com.

translate | Mon, 12 Apr 2021 07:18:03 +0000

WEF Warns of Cyberattack Leading to Systemic Collapse of the Global Financial System

Originally published at The Last American Vagabond.

In November 2020, the World Economic Forum and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace coproduced a report that warned that the global financial system was increasingly vulnerable to cyberattacks. Advisers to the group that produced the report included representatives from the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, the International Monetary Fund, Wall Street giants such as JPMorgan Chase, and Silicon Valley behemoths such as Amazon.

The ominous report was published just months after the World Economic Forum had conducted a simulation of just such an event—a cyberattack that brings the global financial system to its knees—in partnership with Russia's largest bank, which is due to jumpstart that country's economic transformation by launching its own central bank–backed digital currency.

As recently as last Tuesday, the largest information-sharing organization of the financial industry, the Financial Services Information Sharing and Analysis Center (FS-ISAC), whose known members include the Bank of America, Wells Fargo, and Citigroup, warned that nation-state hackers and cybercriminals are poised to jointly attack the global financial system. The CEO of this organization had previously given the same warning, which was published in the World Economic Forum-Carnegie Endowment (WEF-Carnegie) report.

Such coordinated simulations and warnings from those who dominate the current ailing financial system are obviously a cause for concern, particularly given that the World Economic Forum is well-known for its Event 201 simulation about a global coronavirus pandemic that took place just months prior to the COVID-19 crisis.

The COVID-19 crisis has since been cited as the main justification for accelerating what is termed the digital transformation of the financial sector and other sectors, which that the World Economic Forum and its partners have promoted for years. Their latest prediction of a doomsday event, a cyberattack that stops the current financial system in its tracks and initiates its systemic collapse, if it came to pass, would be the final, necessary step required to bring about the Forum's desired outcome of a widespread shift to digital currency and increased global governance of the international economy.

Given that experts have been warning since the last global financial crisis that the collapse of the entire system was inevitable due to central bank mismanagement and rampant Wall Street corruption, a cyberattack would also provide the perfect scenario for dismantling the current failing system, as it would absolve central banks and corrupt financial institutions of any responsibility. It would also provide a justification for incredibly troubling policies promoted in the WEF-Carnegie report, such as a greater fusion of intelligence agencies and banks in order to better "protect" critical financial infrastructure.

Considering the precedent of the WEF's past simulations and reports with the COVID-19 crisis, it is well worth examining all their simulations, warnings, and desired policies. The remainder of this article will examine the November 2020 WEF-Carnegie report from. A follow-up article will focus on the FS-ISAC report published last week. The World Economic Forum's simulation of a cyberattack on the global financial system, Cyber Polygon 2020, was covered in detail by Unlimited Hangout in a previous article.

The WEF-Carnegie Cyber Policy Initiative

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is one of the most influential foreign policy think tanks in the United States, with close and persistent ties to the US State Department, former US presidents, corporate America, and American oligarch clans suchas the Pritzkers of Hyatt hotels. Current trustees of the endowment include executives from Bank of America and Citigroup as well as other influential financial institutions.

In 2019, the same year as Event 201, the Carnegie Endowment launched its Cyber Policy Initiative with the goal of producing an "international strategy for cybersecurity and the global financial system 2021–2024." That strategy was released just months ago, in November 2020, and, according to the Carnegie Endowment, it was authored by "leading experts in governments, central banks, industry and the technical community" in order to provide a "longer-term international cybersecurity strategy" specifically for the financial system.

The initiative is an outgrowth of past efforts of the Carnegie Endowment to promote the fusion of financial authorities, the financial industry, law enforcement, and national security agencies, which is both a major recommendation of the November 2020 report and a conclusion of a 2019 "high-level roundtable" between the endowment, the IMF, and central bank governors. The endowment had also partnered with the IMF, SWIFT, Standard Chartered, and the FS-ISAC to create a "cyber resilience capacity-building tool box" for financial institutions in 2019. That same year, the endowment also began tracking "the evolution of the cyber threat landscape and incidents involving financial institutions" in collaboration with BAE Systems, the UK's largest weapons manufacturer. Per the Carnegie Endowment, this collaboration continues into the present.

In January 2020, representatives of the Carnegie Endowment presented their Cyber Policy Initiative at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum, after which the Forum officially partnered with the endowment on the initiative.

Advisers to the now-joint WEF-Carnegie project include representatives of central banks including the US Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank; some of Wall Street's most infamous banks such as Bank of America and JPMorgan Chase; law enforcement organizations such as INTERPOL and the US Secret Service; corporate giants such as Amazon and Accenture; and global financial institutions including the International Monetary Fund and SWIFT (the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication). Other notable advisers include the managing director and head of the WEF's Centre for Cybersecurity, Jeremy Jurgens, who was also a key player in the Cyber Polygon simulation, and Steve Silberstein, the CEO of the Financial Services Information Sharing and Analysis Center.

Not a Question of If but When

The Cyber Policy Initiative's November 2020 report is officially titled International Strategy to Better Protect the Financial System. It begins by noting that the global financial system, like many other systems, is "going through unprecedented digital transformation, which is being accelerated by the coronavirus pandemic."

It then warns:

"Malicious actors are taking advantage of this digital transformation and pose a growing threat to the global financial system, financial stability, and confidence in the integrity of the financial system. Malign actors are using cyber capabilities to steal from, disrupt, or otherwise threaten financial institutions, investors and the public. These actors include not only increasingly daring criminals, but also states and state-sponsored attackers."

Following this warning of "malign actors," the report adds that "increasingly concerned, key voices are sounding the alarm." It notes that Christine Lagarde of the European Central Bank and formerly of the IMF warned in February 2020 that "a cyber attack could trigger a serious financial crisis." A year prior, at the WEF's annual meeting, the head of Japan's central bank predicted that "cybersecurity could become the financial system's most serious risk in the near future." It also notes that in 2019, Jamie Dimon chairman and CEO of JPMorgan Chase similarly labeled cyberattacks as possibly "the biggest threat to the US financial system."

Not long after Lagarde's warning in April 2020, the Bank for International Settlements' Financial Stability Board asserted that "cyber incidents pose a threat to the stability of the global financial system" and that "a major cyber incident, if not properly contained, could seriously disrupt financial systems, including critical financial infrastructure, leading to broader financial stability implications."

The WEF-Carnegie report authors add to these concerns that "the exploitation of cyber vulnerabilities could cause losses to investors and the general public" and lead to significant damage to public trust and confidence in the current financial system. It also notes, aside from affecting the general public in a significant way, this threat would impact both high-income countries and low to lower-middle income countries, meaning the impact on the masses would be global in scope.

The report then ominously concludes that "one thing is clear: it is not a question of if a major incident will happen, but when."

Ensuring Control of the Narrative

Another section of the report details recommendations for controlling the narrative in the event such a crippling cyberattack takes place. The report specifically recommends that "financial authorities and industry should ensure they are properly prepared for influence operations and hybrid attacks that combine influence operations with malicious hacking activity" and that they "apply lessons learned from influence operations targeting electoral processes to potential attacks on financial institutions."

It goes on to recommend that "major financial services firms, central banks and other financial supervisory authorities," representatives of which provided advice for the WEF-Carnegie report, "identify a single point of contact within each organisation to engage social media platforms for crisis management."

The report's authors argue that, "in the event of a crisis," such as a devastating cyberattack on the global banking system, "social media companies should swiftly amplify communications by central banks" so that central banks may "debunk fake information" and "calm the markets." It also states that "financial authorities, financial services firms and tech companies [presumably including social media companies] should develop a clear communications and response plan focused on being able to react swiftly." Notably, both Facebook and Twitter are listed in the report's appendix as "industry stakeholders" that have "engaged" with the WEF-Carnegie initiative.

The report also asserts that premeditated coordination for such a crisis between banks and social media companies needs to take place so that both stakeholders may "determine what severity of crisis would necessitate amplified communication." The report also calls for social media companies to work with central banks to "develop escalation paths similar to those developed in the wake of the past election interference, as seen in the United States and Europe."

Of course, those "escalation paths" involved wide-ranging social media censorship. The report seems to acknowledge this when it adds that "quick coordination with social media platforms is necessary to organize content takedowns." Thus, the report is calling for central banks to collude with social media platforms to plan out censorship efforts that would be enacted if a sufficiently severe crisis occurs in financial markets.

As for "influence operations," the report divides these into two categories: those that target individual firms and those that target markets overall. Regarding the first category, the report states that "organized actors will spread fraudulent rumors to manipulate stock prices and generate profit based on how much the price of the stock was artificially moved." It adds that, in these influence operations, "firms and lobbyists use astroturfing campaigns, which create a false appearance of grassroots support, to tarnish the value of a competing brand or attempt to sway policymaking decisions by abusing calls for online public comments." The similarities between this latter statement and the WallStreetBets phenomenon of January 2021 are obvious.

Regarding the second category of "influence operations," the report defines these operations as "likely to be carried out by a politically motivated actor like a terrorist group or even a nation-state." It adds that "this type of influence operation may directly target the financial system to manipulate markets, for example, by spreading rumors about market-moving decisions by central banks" as well as spreading "false information that does not directly reference financial markets but that causes financial markets to react."

Given that the report states that the first category of influence operation poses little systemic risk while the second "may pose systemic risk," it seems likely that the event being predicted by the WEF-Carnegie report would involve claims of the latter by a "terrorist group" or "nation-state." Notably, the report on several occasions mentions North Korea as a likely nation-state offender. It also dwells on the likelihood that synthetic media or deepfakes would be part of this system-devastating event in emerging economies and/or in high-income countries experiencing a financial crisis.

A separate June 2020 report from the WEF-Carnegie initiative was published specifically on the subject of deepfakes and the financial system, noting that such attacks would likely transpire during a larger financial crisis to "amplify" damaging narratives or "simulate grassroots consumer backlash against a targeted brand." It adds that "companies, financial institutions and government regulators facing public relations crises are especially vulnerable to deepfakes and synthetic media."

In light of these statements, it is worth pointing out that bad actors within the current system could exploit these scenarios and theories to paint genuine grassroots backlash against a bank or corporation as being a synthetic "influence operation" perpetrated by "cybercriminals" or a nation-state. Considering that the WEF-Carnegie report references a scenario analogous to the WallStreetBets situation in January 2021, a banker-led effort to falsely label a future grassroots backlash as being synthetic and the fault of a "terrorist group" or nation-state should not be ruled out.

"Reducing Fragmentation": Merging Banks with Their Regulators and Intelligence Agencies

Given the inevitability of this destructive event, as predicted by the WEF-Carnegie report's authors, it is important to focus in on the solutions proposed in the report, as they will become immediately relevant when this event does come to pass.

Some of the solutions proposed are to be expected from a WEF-linked policy document, such as increased public-private partnerships and greater coordination among regional and international organizations as well as increased coordination among national governments.

However, the main "solution" at the heart of this report, and also at the heart of the WEF-Carnegie initiative's other endeavors, is the fusing of corporate banks, the financial authorities that oversee them, tech companies, and the national-security state.

The report's authors argue that the main vulnerability of the global financial system at present is "the current fragmentation among stakeholders and initiatives" and that mitigating this threat to the global system lies in reducing that "fragmentation." The authors argue that the way to resolve the issue requires the massive reorganization of all "stakeholders" via increased global coordination. The report notes that the "disconnect between the finance, the national security and the diplomatic communities is particularly pronounced" and calls for much closer interaction between the three.

It then states:

"This requires countries not only to better organize themselves domestically but also to strengthen international cooperation to defend against, investigate, prosecute and ideally prevent future attacks. This implies that the financial sector and financial authorities must regularly interact with law enforcement and other national security agencies in unprecedented ways, both domestically and internationally."

Some examples of these needed "unprecedented" interactions between banks and the national-security state are included in the report's recommendations. For instance, the report states that "governments should use the unique capabilities of their national security communities to help protect FMIs [financial market infrastructures] and critical trading systems." It also calls for "national security agencies [to] consult critical cloud service providers [like WEF-Carnegie Cyber Policy Initiative partner Amazon Web Services] to determine how intelligence collection could be used to help identify and monitor potential significant threat actors and develop a mechanism to share information about imminent threats" with tech companies.

The report also states that "the financial industry should throw its weight behind efforts to tackle cyber crime more effectively, for example by increasing its participation in law enforcement efforts."

On this last point, there are indications that this has already begun. For instance, Bank of America, the second largest bank in the US and part of the WEF-Carnegie Cyber Policy Initiative and FS-ISAC, was reported to have "actively but secretly engaged" with US law enforcement agencies in the hunt for "political extremists" following the January 6th events at Capitol Hill. In doing so, Bank of America shared private information with the federal government without the knowledge or consent of its customers, leading critics to accuse the bank of "effectively acting as an intelligence agency."

Arguably the most troubling part of the report, however, is its call to unite the national-security apparatus and the finance industry and then use that as a model to do the same with other sectors of the economy. It states that "protecting the international financial system can be a model for other sectors," adding that "focusing on the financial sector provides a starting point and could pave the way to better protect other sectors in the future."

Were all sectors of the economy to fuse with the national-security state, it would create a reality in which no part of daily human life is not controlled by these two already very powerful entities. This is a clear plan for creating techno-fascism on a global scale. As this WEF-Carnegie report makes clear, the recipe regarding how to cook up such a nightmare has already been charted out in coordination with the very institutions, banks, and governments that currently control the global financial system.

Not only is global corporate control a goal, but—as pointed out in Unlimited Hangout's article on Cyber Polygon—the World Economic Forum and many of its partners actually have a vested interest in the systemic collapse of the current financial system. In addition, many central banks have recently proposed digital currency systems that can only achieve rapid mass adoption if the existing system collapses.

Given that these systems are set to be integrated with biometric IDs and so-called vaccine passports through the WEF and the Big Tech–backed Vaccine Credential Initiative, it is worth considering the timing of the expected launch of such systems in determining when this predicted and allegedly inevitable event is likely to occur.

With this new financial system so deeply interconnected with so-called credential efforts, the envisioned cyberattack on the financial sector would likely take place at a time when it would best facilitate the adoption of the new economic system and its integration into credential systems currently being promoted as a way out of COVID-19–related restrictions.

The post WEF Warns of Cyberattack Leading to Systemic Collapse of the Global Financial System appeared first on unlimitedhangout.com.

translate | Fri, 09 Apr 2021 19:37:37 +0000

Tanzania’s Late President Magufuli: “Science Denier” or Threat to Empire?

Less than two weeks ago, Tanzanian vice president Samia Suluhu Hassan delivered the news that her country's president, John Pombe Magufuli, had died of heart failure. President Magufuli had been described as missing since the end of February, with several antigovernment parties circulating stories that he had fallen ill with COVID-19. During his presidency, Magufuli had consistently challenged neocolonialism in Tanzania, whether it manifested through the exploitation of his country's natural resources by predatory multinationals or through the West's influence over his country's food supply.

In the months leading up to his death, Magufuli had become better known, and particularly demonized, in the West for opposing the authority of international organizations such as the World Health Organization in determining his government's response to the COVID-19 crisis. Magufuli, however, had already spurned many of these same interests and organizations that were angered by his response to COVID, having kicked out Bill Gates–funded trials of genetically modified crops and more recently opposing some of the most powerful mining companies in the West, companies with ties to the World Economic Forum and the WEF's efforts to guide the course of the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution.

Indeed, more threatening to the West than Magufuli's recent COVID stance was the threat he posed to foreign control over the world's largest ready-to-develop nickel deposit, a metal essential for making electric car batteries needed in the current effort to create an electric autonomous vehicle revolution. For instance, just a month before he disappeared, Magufuli had signed an agreement between the government and a group of investors to begin developing that nickel deposit. The deposit had been co-owned by Barrick Gold and Glencore, a commodity giant with deep ties to Israel's Mossad, until Magufuli revoked their license for the project in 2018.

A president running afoul of powerful corporate and banking cartels who is suddenly and mysteriously "removed" from power would usually evoke considerable coverage from anti-imperialist independent media outlets, which, for example, recently covered similar events in Bolivia that led to the removal of Evo Morales from power. Nevertheless, the very outlets that have, for years, extensively covered western-backed regime-change efforts have been entirely silent on the very convenient death of Magufuli. Presumably, their silence is related to Magufuli's flouting of COVID-19 narrative orthodoxy, as these same outlets have largely promoted the official narrative of the pandemic.

Yet, regardless of whether one agrees with Magufuli's response to COVID, his sudden departure and Tanzania's new leadership is a defeat for a widely popular domestic movement that sought to halt the centuries-long exploitation of Tanzania by the West. With Magufuli's lengthy disappearance, followed by his apparent sudden death from heart failure, the country's future is set to be determined by Tanzanian politicians with deep ties to the oligarch-beholden United Nations and the World Economic Forum.

In contrast to Magufuli, who routinely stood up against predatory corporations and imperialists, Samia Suhulhu and opposition politician Tundu Lissu are poised to offer up their country's resources, and their population, on the altar of the western elite-driven Fourth Industrial Revolution.

Magufuli's Celebrated Rise and His Clashes with the West

Magufuli was first elected president of Tanzania with running mate and now president of Tanzania, Samia Suhulu, back in 2015, winning 58 percent of the vote. At first, the president received lavish praise from major western media outlets, which later demonized him. For instance, a BBC report from 2016 reflected on Magufuli's first year in office and noted his 96 percent approval rating. The report also quoted political analyst Kitila Mumbo, who remarked, "There is no doubt that President Magufuli is very popular among many ordinary Tanzanians" and added that "the president's main promise of extending free education to secondary school, which came into effect in January, has been well received."

Running mates John Magufuli and Samia Suhulu on a 2015 campaign flier. Source: 2015 FILE PHOTO

Also in 2016, CNN had reported that "the Tanzanian public has gone wild for its new president John Magufuli" and that "after sweeping to victory in October 2015, Magufuli has embarked on a remorseless purge of corruption." The article reported that Magufuli had inspired a new term, as seen in Tanzanians' social media posts: Magufulify: "1. to render or declare an action faster or cheaper; 2. to deprive [public officials] of their capacity to enjoy life at taxpayers' expense; 3. to terrorize lazy and corrupt individuals in society."

Indeed, Magufuli's time in office was characterized by his making decisions that benefited the majority of Tanzanians, largely at the expense of foreign corporations but also by overhauling the Tanzanian government itself, known for its entrenched corruption and absenteeism prior to Magufuli's rise. His administration cut the salaries of the executives at state-owned companies, as well as cutting his own salary, from $15,000 to $4,000. Some state parades and celebrations were reduced or cancelled to cover the expenses for running public hospitals.

Improving health care had long been one of Magufuli's priorities, and life expectancy in Tanzania significantly increased every year he was in office. In addition, in the previous fifty years of Tanzanian independence, only 77 district hospitals were constructed, whereas, during the past four years alone, 101 such hospitals were constructed and equipped through local funding. By July 2020, the country had grown from a lower-income country to a middle-income country, per the World Bank.

A recent report by the hawkish US establishment think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, was highly critical of Magufuli but noted the following about his political philosophy:

Magufuli, who subscribes to his own homegrown "Tanzania first" philosophy, believes that Tanzania has been cheated out of profit and wealth by exploitative mabeberu ("imperialists") since independence. To secure populist support, Magufuli has fashioned his agenda as a continuation of the socialist vision of Tanzania's first president, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, who advocated self-reliance, an intolerance to corruption, and a strong nationalist character.

Magufuli's conflicts with the mabeberu transpired throughout his presidency; he targeted various projects, corporate ventures, and oligarchs that have exploited much of the Global South for decades. For example, in late 2018, Tanzania's government ordered a stop to all ongoing field trials on genetically modified crops and the destruction of all plants grown as part of those trials. Those trials were being conducted by a partnership called the Water Efficient Maize for Africa (WEMA), which was a collaboration between Monsanto and the African Agricultural Technology Foundation, a nonprofit funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, GM seed/agrochemical giant Syngenta, PepsiCo, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the latter long known to be a cut-out for the CIA. In January 2021, a month before Magufuli's disappearance, Tanzania's agriculture ministry not only announced a cancellation of all "research trials involving genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the country" for a second time, it also announced plans to institute new biosafety regulations aimed at protecting Tanzania's food sovereignty by scrutinizing western GM seed imports.

Historically, the US has been particularly harsh to countries that resist the integration of GM biotech into their food systems. According to a State Department cable from 2007 published by Wikileaks, Craig Stapleton, then US ambassador to France, advised the US to prepare for economic war with countries unwilling to introduce Monsanto's GM corn seeds into their agricultural sectors. He recommended that the US "calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU" because of the bloc's resistance to approving some GM products. In another cable from 2009, a US diplomat stationed in Germany relayed intelligence on Bavarian political parties to several US federal agencies and the US secretary of defense, telling them which parties opposed Monsanto's M810 corn seed and spoke of "tactics that the US could impose to resolve the opposition."

The US government's use of food as a weapon for its imperialist agenda became de facto policy when Henry Kissinger was secretary of state during the Nixon administration. During that period, a classified report was produced by the State Department that argued that the population of the developing world threatened US national security and posited that food aid be used as an "instrument of national power" to advance US aims.

A Roadblock for the Ruling Class's "Green" Future

Magufuli's role in robbing Big Ag of a foothold in Tanzania a month before his disappearance and death certainly casts suspicion on the circumstances surrounding his demise. Yet, if that weren't enough, Magufuli, during the same time frame, greatly angered the world's most powerful commodity corporations in the mining, oil, and natural gas sectors.

Particularly damaging to foreign corporate interests and agendas was Magufuli's targeting of the foreign-dominated mining sector in Tanzania, as the nation has some of the world's largest deposits of minerals essential to Fourth Industrial Revolution–related technologies. With its 500,000 tons of nickel, 75,000 tons of copper, and 45,000 tons of cobalt, Tanzania sits on a mountain of mineral wealth and, more specifically, minerals needed for next-generation batteries and hardware that are essential to implementing "smart" infrastructure and automation globally. Within the continent of Africa, Tanzania has the largest mining industry after South Africa.

In the years prior to Magufuli's rise, Tanzania had offered relatively low tax rates and little regulatory oversight for mining companies. Yet, in 2017, Magufuli declared "economic warfare" on foreign mining companies, and his administration followed through on the declaration, passing two laws that provided the government with a much greater share of the revenue from the exploitation of Tanzania's natural resources. This, of course, came at the expense of foreign mining conglomerates. The new legislation also gave the government the right to renegotiate and/or revoke existing mining licenses that had been awarded prior to Magufuli's presidency.

Tanzania's government soon took aim at Acacia Mining, which is now owned by Canadian mining giant Barrick Gold, and slapped it with $190 billion in fines for unpaid taxes and penalties. "It shouldn't happen that we have all this wealth, sit on it, while others come and benefit from it by cheating us," Magufuli said of the decision. "We need investors, but not this kind of exploitation. We are supposed to share profits." In 2018, the administration went after Acacia again, fining them $2.4 million for contaminating local water supplies in residential areas.

The signing of the Kabanga Nickel Framework Agreement in January 2021. Source: https://www.kabanganickel.com/

The year 2018 was also when Magufuli's biggest rift with powerful mining corporations took place, one that potentially influenced his disappearance and subsequent death. The Kabanga nickel project, the largest development-ready nickel deposit in the world, had been owned jointly by Canada's Barrick Gold and commodities giant Glencore. In May 2018, Magufuli's administration revoked the Barrick-Glencore license for the project, along with several other projects that included the mining of nickel, gold, silver, copper, and rare earth elements.

Angering Glencore is a particularly risky business. The commodities giant was originally founded by Marc Rich, an infamous asset for Israel's Mossad, who allowed Glencore's profits to be used to finance covert intelligence activities. Rich and Glencore's intelligence ties are discussed in greater detail in Part 4 of Whitney Webb's series on the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. Today, Glencore is closely linked with Nathaniel (Nat) Rothschild, the scion of the British-based branch of the elite banking family, who purchased a $40 million stake in the company. Rothschild was largely responsible for orchestrating Simon Murray's appointment as Glencore's chairman and has a close relationship with Glencore CEO Ivan Glasenberg.

In January 2021, a month before Magufuli disappeared, the Kabanga Nickel project went forward without Glencore and Barrick Gold, as Tanzania successfully negotiated joint ownership of the mine with a company set up by Norwegian millionaire Peter Smedvig and two of his associates. Unlike the Barrick-Glencore project, in which Tanzania's government had no financial stake, the new project gave Tanzania 16 percent ownership in the mine, a percentage required by law following Magufuli's reform of the country's mining sector.

The loss of Kabanga was clearly a grave one for Barrick Gold and Glencore, given the central role nickel and this specific deposit in Tanzania are set to play in the production and implementation of "smart" technologies. Nickel, among other uses, is a key component of the next-generation batteries used in electric vehicles. As a result, the demand for nickel is projected to rise dramatically in the next few years, in part due to the effort to phase out most motor vehicles and replace them with ones that are both electric and self-driving. The importance of nickel to the Fourth Industrial Revolution has been underscored by the World Economic Forum, which estimates that demand for high-purity nickel for EV battery production "will increase by a factor of 24 in 2030 compared to 2018 levels." In addition, last month, Tesla CEO Elon Musk said that "nickel is the biggest concern for electric car batteries."

In addition to Tanzania's valuable nickel reserves, it can be argued that Tanzania's other most significant mineral wealth lies in its graphite, the fifth-largest reserve in the world. In 2018, Oxford Business Group estimated that Tanzania would become one of the top three graphite producers on the planet. With the World Bank estimating that graphite demand will increase 500 percent in the next thirty years, Tanzania now holds a strong bargaining position in the global market. The global lithium-ion battery market is "expected to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 13.0% from 2020 to 2027," and these batteries usually require both nickel and graphite, both of which are plentiful under Tanzania. As Elon Musk has put it, "lithium-ion batteries should be called nickel graphite batteries."

Last year, Musk tweeted, "We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it," in response to accusations that the US government had backed the 2019 coup in Bolivia so that Musk's Tesla could obtain the world's largest lithium reserves, another mineral critical to electric vehicle battery production. A few months before Musk's infamous tweet, the foreign minister of Bolivia's coup government had written a letter to Musk stating that "any corporation that you or your company can provide to our country will be gratefully welcomed" in relation to the country's mining sector. These incidents underscore the US empire's current willingness to engage in regime change to ensure control of mineral deposits considered essential to emerging technologies and the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

Logo for the latest iteration of the Kabanga Nickel mining project. Source: https://www.kabanganickel.com/

In the case of Tanzania, it is worth noting that Glencore, which had its ownership of the Kabanga nickel deposit revoked by Magufuli, is closely tied to the World Economic Forum and is part of the WEF's Global Battery Alliance as well as its Mining and Metals Blockchain Initiative, both of which focus on supply chains for minerals deemed essential to the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Also of interest is that Tundu Lissu, the Magufuli government's most vocal critic and a main source for all mainstream media Tanzania reporting, was formerly employed by the World Resources Institute, a US-based nonprofit and "strategic partner" of the World Economic Forum. The WRI aims to build "clean energy markets" and "value supply chains" that will inevitably depend on cheaply sourced raw materials like nickel, graphite, and cobalt.

The World Resource Institute has received no less than $7.1 million from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and, according to the WRI's donor page, they've received at least $750,000 from the West's most powerful corporate actors, including Shell, Citibank, the Rockefeller Foundation, Google, Microsoft, The Open Society Foundation, USAID, and the World Bank. Lissu praised news of Magufuli's sudden death as a "relief" and an "opportunity for a new beginning" in Tanzania. Tellingly, he also spoke very positively of the country's future under Magufuli's former vice president and current president Samia Suhulu, suggesting that she will take the country in a very different direction than that of her predecessor.

Thabit Jacob, a Tanzanian academic at Denmark's Roskilde University, was quoted in the global news service upstream as saying that Rostam Aziz—one of Tanzania's wealthiest businessmen and ex-parliament member who had a major falling out with Magufuli over tax policy—could soon become a key player in the new government, "meaning big business will play a bigger role" in the country's future. Rostam owns Caspian Mining, the single largest Tanzanian mining firm and a frequent contractor for Barrick Gold.

COVID-19 Response Met with Foreign Hostility

Under the Magufuli administration, Tanzania's COVID-19 response policies ran counter to the international consensus, with the country declining to implement any major lockdowns or mask mandates. It should be noted that even the Council on Foreign Relations reported that these decisions had the support of the nation's masses, writing that "on-the-street sentiment suggests many Tanzanians agree with the government's light-touch approach."

Magufuli was also skeptical of adopting COVID-19 vaccines before they could be investigated and certified by Tanzania's own experts, warning that they could pose safety concerns due to their rushed development. "The Ministry of Health should be careful; they should not hurry to try these vaccines without doing research. . . . We should not be used as 'guinea pigs,'" Magufuli had stated in January. "We are not yet satisfied that those vaccines have been clinically proven safe," Tanzanian health minister Dorothy Gwajima later remarked at a news conference.

Magufuli refused to immediately agree to receive COVID-19 vaccines from COVAX, the public-private partnership between Gates's Gavi, Vaccine Alliance and the World Health Organization that aims to deliver 270 million COVID vaccines—with 269 million of them being the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine—to the world "as soon as they're available." In recent weeks, major safety issues with the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine have been identified by national regulatory bodies across Europe and Asia, and numerous countries have suspended its use.

Such nuance regarding the safety of "vaccine aid" was absent from the now ubiquitous mainstream narrative of Magufuli being "antiscience." That narrative was first established as early as May 2020, when Magufuli exposed the inaccuracy of imported polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing kits after a goat, a piece of fruit, and motor oil all received "positive" test results from the supplied kits. "There is something happening . . . we should not accept that every aid is meant to be good for this nation," he proclaimed in a national address.

After this address, Bloomberg called Magufuli the "COVID-denying president." Foreign Policy went as far as to dub the president "Denialist in Chief" and asked if he was even "more dangerous than COVID-19." Magufuli became the western press's poster boy for "COVID denial" while Tanzania became "the country that's rejecting the vaccine."

In the months since May 2020, however, the accuracy of PCR testing kits has been called into question, not only by mainstream media but also by "authoritative" global health bodies such as the World Health Organization, thereby validating Magufuli's initial critique. In a story titled "Your Coronavirus Test Is Positive. Maybe It Shouldn't Be," the New York Times reported that the "standard [PCR] tests are diagnosing huge numbers of people who may be carrying relatively insignificant amounts of the virus . . . and are not likely contagious."

In a November 2020 landmark case in Portugal, the court ruled that the PCR test used to diagnose COVID-19 was not fit for that purpose and that "a single positive PCR test cannot be used as an effective diagnosis of infection." In their ruling, judges Margarida Ramos de Almeida and Ana Paramés referred to a study by Jaafar et al. that found that the accuracy of some PCR tests was only about 3 percent, meaning that up to 97 percent of positive results could be false positives.

By December 2020, the World Health Organization had confirmed that the PCR test was capable of false positives and warned that they could easily lead to COVID-free individuals receiving positive test results. The position that PCR testing kits are unreliable is not new science, as a 2007 New York Times article titled "Faith in Quick Test Leads to Epidemic that Wasn't" stated that the sensitivity of PCR testing kits "makes false positives likely, and when hundreds or thousands of people are tested, false positives can make it seem like there is an epidemic." In addition, large batches of PCR test kits in the early phase of the COVID-19 crisis were contaminated with COVID-19 prior to their use, which was later found to have significantly skewed the number of cases reported in the early phases of the pandemic in the US and beyond.

Numerous examples of vaccines with severe adverse effects being pushed onto the Tanzanian people, combined with the widely reported safety issues surrounding the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine that Tanzania would receive through COVAX, make the western media's "antiscience" characterization of Magufuli particularly inappropriate. For example, as far back as 1977, studies published in the Lancet established that the risks of the diphtheria tetanus pertussis (DTP) vaccine are greater than the risks associated with contracting wild pertussis. After mounting evidence linking the drug to brain damage, seizures, and even death, the US phased it out in the 1990s and replaced it with a safer version called DTaP. A 2017 study funded by the Danish government concluded that more African children were dying from the deadly DTP vaccine than from the diseases it prevented. Researchers examined data from Guinea Bissau and concluded that vaccinated boys were dying at 3.9 times the rate of those who had not received the shot, while vaccinated girls had a death rate almost 10 times (9.98) greater than that of unvaccinated girls. Gavi, subsidized by USAID and the Gates Foundation, has dumped over $27 million worth of the dangerously outdated DTP vaccine onto the Tanzanian health system.

Furthermore, as detailed by Unlimited Hangout in December, the developers of the Oxford vaccine (the vaccine Tanzania would receive under COVAX) are deeply entangled with the eugenics movement and, to this day, engage in ethically questionable activities relating to the intersection of race and science. In 2020, the Wellcome Trust, the research institute where both of the lead developers of the Oxford vaccine work, was accused by the University of Cape Town of illegally exploiting hundreds of Africans by stealing their DNA without consent.

Also concerning is the fact that more than twenty European countries have halted use of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine due to a possible link to blood clot disorders and strokes. Even the New York Times has questioned if the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine is a viable candidate, particularly for Africa. According to a Times article from February, South Africa halted use of the AstraZeneca/Oxford coronavirus vaccine after evidence emerged that the vaccine did not protect clinical trial volunteers from mild or moderate illness.

A Recent Election Victory "amid Claims of Fraud"

In October 2020, Magufuli was reelected to a second, five-year term, this time gaining a resounding 84.39 percent of the vote. At the time, the US government–funded outlet Voice of America quoted one Tanzanian, Edward Mbise, who told the outlet that "[they] all expected [Magufuli] to win due to what he has done . . . he has accomplished so many things that you can't even finish listing all of them."

However, Tundu Lissu, the leader of Magufuli's main opposition party, alleged that the election had been fraudulent, yet he provided no evidence. According to the same Voice of America article, Lissu called for "citizens [to] take action to ensure all election results are changed."

Lissu's accusations of fraud were widely reprinted in the western media despite the lack of evidence. A BBC article was titled "President Magufuli Wins Election amid Fraud Claims." The Guardian, funded heavily by the Gates Foundation, similarly claimed that "Tanzania's President Wins Re-Election amid Claims of Fraud." In the US, the New York Times published a story called "As Tanzania's President Wins a Second Term, Opposition Calls for Protests."

No mention of Magufuli's approval ratings nor quotes from actual Tanzanian people were anywhere to be found in these articles, details which had been plentiful in western mainstream media coverage after his first election victory. Quotes that did appear were usually from Lissu, now exiled in Belgium, or other members of Lissu's party.

Not long after Lissu's claims had been uncritically repeated by major western media outlets, Mike Pompeo, on his last day as head of the State Department, announced sanctions that targeted Tanzanian officials who had allegedly been "responsible for or complicit in undermining the 2020 Tanzanian general election." It is worth pointing out that the similarities between the election fraud accusations in Tanzania and those made in Bolivia just prior to the US-backed November 2019 coup are considerable.

Two weeks later, on February 5, 2021, the Center for Strategic and International Studies suggested that the US might fund Magufuli's political opposition, writing that the "the Biden administration has an opportunity to increase direct engagement with Tanzanian opposition politicians and civil society groups," using Magufuli's "dangerous" approach to COVID-19 as public justification.

That same week, the Guardian's Global Development section (made possible through a partnership with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation) published an article titled, "It's Time for Africa to Rein in Tanzania's Anti-Vaxxer President." Predictably, this article, and others like it, sought to paint the African leader as a crazy conspiracy theorist while leaving out that Magufuli had earned MS and PhD degrees in chemistry before being elected president in 2015.

On March 9, Tundu Lissu, the opposition leader formerly employed by the Washington-based and Wall Street–funded World Resource Institute, contended that Magufuli was critically ill with COVID-19. In a series of tweets, Lissu asserted that the president had been flown first to Kenya and then to India to be treated for the virus. "We urge the government to come out publicly and say where is the president and what is his condition," said John Mnyika, another opposition leader. The very first paper to run the story that Magufuli had COVID-19 was the Nation, a relatively new Kenyan newspaper that has received $4 million from the US-based Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

Meanwhile, the Magufuli government repeatedly dismissed these claims as fake news. "He is fine and doing his responsibilities," insisted Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa on March 12. "A head of state is not a head of a jogging club who should always be around taking selfies," Constitutional Affairs Minister Mwigulu Nchemba said.

On March 11, just days before the announcement of Magufuli's death and Suhulu's ascension as president, the Council on Foreign Relations, the influential think tank closely tied to the Rockefeller family and the US political elite, suggested that a "bold figure within the ruling party [i.e., Magufuli's party] could capitalize on the current episode to gain popularity and begin to reverse course."

While a swift leadership transition in Tanzania might seem like an unexpected surprise to some, groups in the US who specialize in foreign meddling and regime change operations had been at work in Tanzania ever since Magufuli's initial election victory. The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a US government think/do tank that aims to "support freedom around the world," pumped $1.1 million into various Tanzanian opposition groups and causes over the last few years. A cofounder of NED, Allen Weinstein, once disclosed to the Washington Post that "a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA." Carl Gershman, NED's other cofounder, once told the New York Times that "it would be terrible for democratic groups around the world to be seen as subsidized by the CIA . . . and that's why the endowment was created."

NED's recent operations in Tanzania have included projects to "organize young people to promote reform, and introduce them to new media tools that can assist in their efforts," "recruit and train young artists to convey stories about governance," financially support an opposition-friendly "satirical" news production that provides humorous commentary on current events to "encourage conversations," as well as financially support the production of a "comprehensive televised civic education campaign" aimed at both COVID-related public awareness and "voter education." The grantee for the funds, the Tanzania Bora Initiative, whose slogan is "transforming mindsets, influencing cultures," boasts of "empowering over fifty young Tanzanian political candidates." The Tanzania Bora Initiative was also heavily supported by USAID while Magufuli was in office.

One wonders what effects these NED and USAID-funded efforts would have had on the country if Magufuli had not died in office. In January, the CIA-filled Jamestown Foundation began reporting on Tanzania's "creeping radicalization issue" and eerily put forward the idea that "Tanzania could be primed to experience an increase in violence directed inward." Though this, thankfully, never came to fruition, in other cases of western-backed regime change, opposition groups funded by these same organizations have stoked or created violence in order to justify western intervention.

The Magufuli administration was not oblivious to the West's regime-change efforts. In the years following Magufuli's election victory, Tanzanian police raided meetings organized by the Open Society Foundation, a group infamous for its meddling in states targeted by the US foreign-policy establishment.

Yet, despite his strong stand against the West, something about Magufuli's approach had changed on the day of his last public appearance, February 24, 2021. That morning, the Tanzanian president began urging his countrymen to wear masks, something he had resisted doing for nearly a year after the WHO declared a pandemic, and urged them to begin taking health precautions.

A New President to Western Applause

Convenient for the powers that Magufuli had angered, his vice president and successor, Samia Suluhu, hails from the UN World Food Programme and has a profile listed on the website of the World Economic Forum, suggesting a closeness with the circles her predecessor had rebuked. It still remains unclear if she has already reversed any of Magufuli's policies, either economic or COVID-related, but some shifts seem likely given that her appointment has been met with pure celebration by the same institutional actors that actively worked to undermine President Magufuli.

Another potential indicator is the dubious discovery of a new COVID variant in Tanzania that reportedly has more mutations than any other variant. That variant's discovery was announced just over a week after the announcement of Magufuli's death and seems tailor-made to provide a public justification for a reversal of Tanzania's government approach to COVID. Notably, the Tanzania variant was discovered by KriSP, "a scientific institute that carries out genetic testing for 10 African nations" that is funded by the Gates Foundation, the Wellcome Trust, and the governments of the US, the UK, and South Africa.

Regarding a potentially imminent reversal of Tanzania's COVID policy, the reaction of the top official at the World Health Organization may offer a clue. WHO general director Tedros Ghebreyesus had no time to comment after receiving word of Magufuli's sudden death but quickly took to Twitter minutes after Suluhu's swearing-in ceremony to congratulate the country's first female president, telling her that he's "looking forward to working with her to keep people safe from COVID-19, and end the pandemic." Ghebreyesus was previously on the board of two organizations that Bill Gates had founded, provided seed money for, and continues to fund to this day: Gavi and the Global Fund, where Tedros was chair of the board.

Samia Suluhu Hassan's WEF profile. Source: https://www.weforum.org/people/samia-suluhu-hassan

A few days before Ghebreyesus's tweet, the US State Department released a statement reaffirming US commitment to supporting Tanzanians as they advocate for respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and work to combat the COVID-19 pandemic. It stated, "We hope that Tanzania can move forward on a democratic and prosperous path." Vice President Kamala Harris had nothing to say regarding the sudden death of the popular East African president, but, like Ghebreyesus, she managed to send her best wishes to the newly sworn in Suluhu Samia on Twitter.

Billionaire-backed Human Rights Watch, whose revolving door with the US government is well documented, welcomed Magufuli's death, publishing a piece entitled "Tanzania: President Magufuli's Death Should Open New Chapter," which said that the African leader's sudden passing "provides an opportunity." Notably, the same organization had supported the US-backed military coup in Bolivia as well as the Trump administration's regime change efforts in Nicaragua. It had called for an increase in US sanctions on Venezeula's Chavista government, even after the publication of a report by the Center for Economic and Policy Research found that at least forty thousand Venezuelan civilians had already died due to such sanctions.

Earlier this month, Judd Devermont, a former CIA senior political analyst on sub-Saharan Africa, in a Center for Strategic and International Studies piece titled "Will Magufuli's Death Bring Real Change to Tanzania?," wrote that, prior to Magufuli's death, it was "believed that Suluhu was growing increasingly wary of Magufuli's authoritarian policies." Later in the article, the former CIA analyst accidentally disclosed his working definition of "authoritarianism" when he wrote, "Magufuli steered Tanzania toward authoritarianism by implementing a nationalist economic agenda characterized by stifled regional and international trade and a blow to foreign direct investment (FDI)."

However, the claim that Magufuli was against all foreign investment is misleading. Perhaps Devermont should have written that Magufuli's policies were a blow to FDI from the West, as Magufuli, in the last months of his presidency and his life, was directly courting foreign investment from China.

In mid-December 2020, Tanzania Invests reported on a Magufuli meeting with Chinese leaders, after which Magufuli announced that Tanzania "welcomes traders and investors from China in various areas like manufacturing, tourism, construction, and trade for the benefit of both parties." The report also noted that "Magufuli asked China to cooperate with Tanzania in investing in large projects by providing cheap loans" and that "Tanzania will further develop and enhance its long-standing relationship with China and will continue to support China on various international issues." China is currently Tanzania's top trading partner, and Tanzania is the largest recipient of Chinese government aid in Africa. It is worth considering whether this China pivot, particularly at a time when the US's cold war with China is reaching new heights, played a role in western-backed regime change efforts targeting Tanzania.

Looking beyond Tanzania

The fate suffered by President Magufuli and Tanzania is similar to what happened in a neighboring country, Burundi, just six months ago. The president of Burundi, Pierre Nkurunziza, refused to enact top-down mitigation measures in response to COVID-19 and was similarly vilified by US-aligned press and think tanks. In May 2020, Nkurunziza expelled the World Health Organization from Burundi, and, three weeks later, it was reported that he had died after suddenly going into cardiac arrest.

Zambia, which borders Tanzania and is set to hold elections this August, is currently angering some of the same actors that Magufuli had challenged in its efforts to nationalize its copper mines and potentially other mining projects. In December, Zambian president Edgar Lungu announced that his government would acquire "a significant stake in some selected mine assets" in order to "create sufficient wealth for the nation." Echoing Magufuli, Lungu had stated, "We shall no longer tolerate mining investors who seek to [profit] from our God-given natural resources, leaving us with empty hands."

In January, Lungu took a step toward nationalizing the copper-mining sector after a protracted dispute with none other than Glencore. Copper, like nickel, graphite, and lithium, is a metal critical to the success of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Western media reports on Lungu's recent move quoted experts who urged Zambia's government "to tread carefully" in its efforts to increase the role of the public sector in the nation's mining industry.

A week after Magufuli's death was announced, Lungu's main competitor in the upcoming election publicly accused Lungu of trying to have him murdered, while some English language pro-West media outlets have already claimed that Lungu plans to rig the upcoming election in his favor and that the country "may burn" if the election has the "wrong" outcome.

Such examples reveal that the situation that has recently unfolded in Tanzania is hardly unique in today's Africa. However, the domination of the media landscape with constant COVID coverage has made western audiences largely unaware of the various regime-change efforts that have taken place or are underway in the region. Unlike regime-change efforts of the past, those targeting Africa, and also Bolivia, seem laser focused on mining assets that are deemed essential to powering the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

With many of these countries having recently cozied up to China, it seems that regime-change projects and proxy wars of the future are set to revolve, not around fossil fuels and pipelines, but over whether the East or the West will dominate the supplies of minerals needed to produce and maintain next-generation technology.

Not only has COVID kept reporting on these coups for minerals to a minimum, it has also lent a convenient cover for the demonization of leaders and the advancement of regime change in countries that are being targeted for other reasons that have everything to do with resources and little to do with a virus.

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The Escalating Collapse of American Empire with Charlie Robinson

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Stopping the Surveillance State with Derrick Broze

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Whitney Webb on The Corbett Report


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Schwab Family Values

On the morning of 11 September 2001, Klaus Schwab sat having breakfast in the Park East Synagogue in New York City with Rabbi Arthur Schneier, former Vice President for the World Jewish Congress and close associate of the Bronfman and Lauder families. Together, the two men watched one of the most impactful events of the next twenty years unfold as planes struck the World Trade Center buildings. Now, two decades on, Klaus Schwab again sits in a front row seat of yet another generation-defining moment in modern human history.

Always seeming to have a front row seat when tragedy approaches, Schwab's proximity to world-altering events likely owes to his being one of the most well-connected men on Earth. As the driving force behind the World Economic Forum, "the international organization for public-private cooperation," Schwab has courted heads of state, leading business executives, and the elite of academic and scientific circles into the Davos fold for over 50 years. More recently, he has also courted the ire of many due to his more recent role as the frontman of the Great Reset, a sweeping effort to remake civilization globally for the express benefit of the elite of the World Economic Forum and their allies.

Schwab, during the Forum's annual meeting in January 2021, stressed that the building of trust would be integral to the success of the Great Reset, signalling a subsequent expansion of the initiative's already massive public relations campaign. Though Schwab called for the building of trust through unspecified "progress," trust is normally facilitated through transparency. Perhaps that is why so many have declined to trust Mr. Schwab and his motives, as so little is known about the man's history and background prior to his founding of the World Economic Forum in the early 1970s.

Like many prominent frontmen for elite-sponsored agendas, the online record of Schwab has been well-sanitized, making it difficult to come across information on his early history as well as information on his family. Yet, having been born in Ravensburg, Germany in 1938, many have speculated in recent months that Schwab's family may have had some tie to Axis war efforts, ties that, if exposed, could threaten the reputation of the World Economic Forum and bring unwanted scrutiny to its professed missions and motives.

In this Unlimited Hangout investigation, the past that Klaus Schwab has worked to hide is explored in detail, revealing the involvement of the Schwab family, not only in the Nazi quest for an atomic bomb, but apartheid South Africa's illegal nuclear programme. Especially revealing is the history of Klaus' father, Eugen Schwab, who led the Nazi-supported German branch of a Swiss engineering firm into the war as a prominent military contractor. That company, Escher-Wyss, would use slave labor to produce machinery critical to the Nazi war effort as well as the Nazi's effort to produce heavy water for its nuclear program. Years later, at the same company, a young Klaus Schwab served on the board of directors when the decision was made to furnish the racist apartheid regime of South Africa with the necessary equipment to further its quest to become a nuclear power.

With the World Economic Forum now a prominent advocate for nuclear non-proliferation and "clean" nuclear energy, Klaus Schwab's past makes him a poor spokesperson for his professed agenda for the present and the future. Yet, digging even deeper into his activities, it becomes clear that Schwab's real role has long been to "shape global, regional and industry agendas" of the present in order to ensure the continuity of larger, much older agendas that came into disrepute after World War II, not just nuclear technology, but also eugenics-influenced population control policies.

A Swabian Story

On 10 July 1870, Klaus Schwab's grandfather Jakob Wilhelm Gottfried Schwab, referred to later as simply Gottfried, was born in a Germany at war with its French neighbours. Karlsruhe, the town where Gottfried Schwab was born, was located in the Grand Duchy of Baden, ruled in 1870 by the 43 year old Grand Duke of Baden, Frederick I. The following year, the aforementioned Duke would be present at the proclamation of the German Empire which took place in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles. He was the only son-in-law of the incumbent Emperor Wilhelm I and, as Frederick I, was one of the reigning sovereigns of Germany. By the time Gottfried Schwab turned 18 years old, Germany would see Wilhelm II take the throne upon the death of his father, Frederick III.

In 1893, a 23 year old Gottfried Schwab would officially depart from Germany giving up his German citizenship and leaving Karlsruhe in order to emigrate to Switzerland. At the time, his occupation was noted as being that of a simple baker. Here, Gottfried would meet Marie Lappert who was from Kirchberg near Bern, Switzerland and who was five years his junior. They would marry in Roggwil, Bern, on 27 May 1898 and the following year, on 27 April 1899, their child Eugen Schwab was born. At the time of his birth, Gottfried Schwab had moved up in the world, having become a Machine Engineer. When Eugen was around one year old, Gottfried and Marie Schwab decided to return to live in Karlsruhe and Gottfried reapplied for German citizenship again.

Eugen Schwab would follow in the footsteps of his father and also become a Machine Engineer and in future years, he would advise his children to do the same. Eugen Schwab would eventually begin working at a factory in a town in Upper Swabia in Southern Germany, capital of the district of Ravensburg, Baden-Württemberg.

The factory where he would forge his career was the German branch of a Swiss company named Escher Wyss. Switzerland had many long standing economic ties to the Ravensburg area, with Swiss traders in the early 19th century bringing in yarn and weaving products. In the same period, Ravensburg delivered grain to Rorschach until 1870, alongside breeding animals and various cheeses, deep within the Swiss Alps. Between 1809 and 1837, there were 375 Swiss people living in Ravensburg, though the Swiss population had dropped to 133 by 1910.

In the 1830s, skilled Swiss workers set up a cotton factory with an incorporated bleaching and finishing plant owned and maintained by the Erpf brothers. The Ravensburg horse market, created in around 1840, also attracted many people from Switzerland, especially after the 1847 opening of the railway line from Ravensburg to Friedrichshafen, a town situated on nearby Lake Constance on the borderlands of Switzerland and Germany.

Rorsach grain traders would make regular visits to the Ravensburger Kornhaus and eventually this cross-border cooperation and trade also led to a branch of the Zurich machine factory, Escher-Wyss & Cie, opening in the city. This feat was made plausible once a train line connecting the Swiss to the German route network was completed between 1850 and 1853. The factory was set up by Walter Zuppinger between 1856 to 1859 and would begin production in 1860. In 1861, we can see the first official patent of the manufacturers Escher-Wyss in Ravensburg of "peculiar facilities on mechanical looms for ribbon weaving". At this time, the Ravensburg branch of Escher Wyss would be directed by Walter Zuppinger, and would be where he developed his tangential turbine and where he gained a number of additional patents. In 1870, Zuppinger along with others would also founded a paper mill works in Baienfurt close to Ravensburg. He retired in 1875 and devoted all his energies to the further advance of turbines.

Founding Document of the Escher-Wyss Ravensburg Factory, dated 1860.

At the turn of the new century, Escher-Wyss had put the ribbon weaving to one side and begun to concentrate on much bigger projects like the production of large industrial turbines and, in 1907, they sought an "approval and concession procedure" for the construction of a hydropower plant near Dogern am Rhein, which was reported in a Basel brochure from 1925.

By 1920, Escher-Wyss found themselves embroiled in serious financial difficulties. The treaty of Versailles had restricted the military and economic growth of Germany following the Great War, and the Swiss Company found the downturn in neighbouring national civil engineering projects too much to bear. The parent branch of Escher-Wyss was located in Zurich and dated back to 1805 and the company, which still benefited from a good reputation and a history lasting more than a century, was deemed too important to lose. In December 1920, a reorganization was carried out by writing down the share capital from 11.5 to 4.015 million French Francs and which was later increased again to 5.515 million Swiss Francs. By the end of the financial year of 1931, Escher-Wyss was still losing money.

Yet, the plucky company continued to deliver large scale civil engineering contracts throughout the 1920s as noted in the official correspondence written in 1924 from Wilhelm III Prince of Urach to the company Escher-Wyss and to the asset manager of the House of Urach, accountant Julius Heller. This document discusses the "General Terms and Conditions of the Association of German Water Turbine Manufacturers for the Delivery of Machines and Other Equipment for Hydropower Plants". This is also confirmed in a brochure on the "Conditions of the Association of German Water Turbine Manufacturers for the Installation of Turbines and Machine Parts within the German Reich", printed on March 20, 1923 in an advertising brochure from Escher-Wyss for a universal oil pressure regulator.

After the Great Depression in the early 1930s had laid waste to the global economy, Escher-Wyss announced, "as the catastrophic development of the economic situation in connection with the currency declines; The company [Escher-Wyss] is temporarily unable to continue its current liabilities in various customer countries." The company also revealed that they would apply for a court deferral to the Swiss newspaper Neue Zürcher Nachrichten, which reported on 1 December 1931 that, "the company Escher-Wyss has been granted a stay of bankruptcy until the end of March 1932 and, acting as curator in Switzerland, a trust company has been appointed." The article stated optimistically that, "there should be a prospect of continuing operations." In 1931, Escher-Wyss employed around 1,300 non-contracted workers and 550 salaried employees.

By the mid-1930s, Escher-Wyss had again found itself in financial trouble. In order to rescue the company this time, a consortium was brought on board to save the ailing engineering firm. The consortium was partly formed by the Federal Bank of Switzerland (which was coincidently headed by a Max Schwab, who is of no relation to Klaus Schwab) and further restructuring took place. In 1938, it was announced that an engineer at the firm, Colonel Jacob Schmidheiny would become the new President of the Board of Directors at Escher-Wyss. Soon after the outbreak of war in 1939, Schmidheiny was quoted as saying, "The outbreak of war does not necessarily mean unemployment for the machine industry in a neutral country, on the contrary." Escher-Wyss, and its new management, were apparently looking forward to profiting off the war, paving the way for their transformation into a major Nazi military contractor.

A Brief History of Jewish Persecution in Ravensburg

When Adolf Hitler came to power, many things changed in Germany, and the story of the Jewish population of Ravensburg during that era is a sad one to tell. Yet, it was hardly the first time that anti-Semitism had first been recorded as having reared its ugly head in the region.

In the Middle Ages, a synagogue, mentioned as far back as 1345 was located at the centre of Ravensburg, serving a small Jewish community which can be traced from 1330 to 1429. At the end of 1429 and through 1430, the Jews of Ravensburg were targeted and a horrific massacre ensued. In the nearby settlements of Lindau, Überlingen, Buchhorn (later renamed Friedrichshafen), Meersburg and Konstanz, there were mass arrests of Jewish residents. The Jews of Lindau were burnt alive during the 1429/1430 Ravensburg blood libel, in which members of the Jewish community were accused of ritually sacrificing babies. In August 1430, in Überlingen, the Jewish community was forced to convert, 11 of them did so and the 12 who refused were killed. The massacres which took place in Lindau, Überlingen and Ravensburg happened with the direct approval of the ruling King Sigmund and any remaining Jews were soon expelled from the region.

Ravensburg had this ban confirmed by Emperor Ferdinand I in 1559 and it was upheld, for example, in an 1804 instruction issued for the city guard, which read: "Since the Jews are not allowed to engage in any trade or business here, no one else is allowed to enter the city by post or by carriage, The rest, however, if they have not received a permit for a longer or shorter stay from the police office, are to be removed from the city by the police station."

Not until the 19th century were Jews able to settle legally in Ravensburg again and, even by then, their number remained so small that a synagogue was not rebuilt. In 1858, there were only 3 Jews recorded in Ravensburg and, in 1895, this number peaked at 57. From the turn of the century until 1933, the numbers of Jews living in Ravensburg had steadily decreased until the community was only made up of 23 people.

By the start of the 1930s, there were seven main Jewish families living in Ravensburg, including the Adler, Erlanger, Harburger, Herrmann, Landauer, Rose and Sondermann families. After the National Socialists seized power, some of the Ravensburg Jews were initially forced to emigrate, while others would later be murdered in Nazi concentration camps. Leading up to World War II, there were many public displays of hatred towards the small community of Jews in and around Ravensburg.

As early as March 13, 1933, about three weeks before the nationwide Nazi boycott of all Jewish shops in Germany, SA guards posted themselves in front of two of the five Jewish shops in Ravensburg and tried to prevent potential buyers from entering, putting up signs on one shop stating "Wohlwert closed until Aryanization". Wohlwert's would soon become "Aryanised" and would be the only Jewish-owned shop to survive the Nazi pogrom. The other owners of the four large Jewish department stores in Ravensburg; Knopf; Merkur; Landauer and Wallersteiner were all forced to sell their properties to non-Jewish merchants between 1935 and 1938. During this period, many of the Ravensburg Jews were able to flee abroad before the worst of the National Socialist persecution began. While at least eight died violently, it was reported that three Jewish citizens who lived in Ravensburg survived because of their "Aryan" spouses. Some of the Jews who were arrested in Ravensburg during Kristallnacht were forced to march through the streets of Baden-Baden under SS guard supervision the following day and were later deported to Sachsenhausen concentration camp.

Horrific Nazi crimes against humanity took place in Ravensburg. On 1 January 1934, the "Law for the Prevention of Hereditary Diseases" came into force in Nazi Germany, meaning people with diagnosed illnesses such as dementia, schizophrenia, epilepsy, hereditary deafness, and various other mental disorders, could be legally forcibly sterilised. In the Ravensburg City Hospital, today called Heilig-Geist Hospital, forced sterilisations were carried out beginning in April 1934. By 1936, sterilisation was the most performed medical procedure in the municipal hospital.

In the pre-war years of the 1930s leading up to the German annexation of Poland, Ravensburg's Escher-Wyss factory, now managed directly by Klaus Schwab's father, Eugen Schwab, continued to be the biggest employer in Ravensburg. Not only was the factory a major employer in the town, but Hitler's own Nazi party awarded the Escher-Wyss Ravensburg branch the title of "National Socialist Model Company" while Schwab was at the helm. The Nazis were potentially wooing the Swiss company for cooperation in the coming war, and their advances were eventually reciprocated.

Escher-Wyss Ravensburg and the War

Ravensburg was an anomaly in wartime Germany, as it was never targeted by any Allied airstrikes. The presence of the Red Cross, and a rumoured agreement with various companies including Escher-Wyss, saw the allied forces publicly agree to not target the Southern German town. It was not classified as a significant military target throughout the war and, for that reason, the town still maintains many of its original features. However, much darker things were afoot in Ravensburg once the war began.

Eugen Schwab continued to manage the "National Socialist Model Company" for Escher-Wyss, and the Swiss company would aid the Nazi Wermacht produce significant weapons of war as well as more basic armaments. The Escher-Wyss company was a leader in large turbine technology for hydroelectric dams and power plants, but they also manufactured parts for German fighter planes. They were also intimately involved in much more sinister projects happening behind the scenes which, if completed, could have changed the outcome of World War II.

Nazi officials in front of the Ravensburg Town Hall in 1938, Source: Haus der Stadtgeschichte Ravensburg

Western military intelligence were already aware of Escher-Wyss' complicity and collaboration with the Nazis. There are records available from western military intelligence at the time, specifically Record Group 226 (RG 226) from the data compiled by the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), which shows the Allied forces were aware of some of the Escher-Wyss' business dealings with the Nazis.

Within RG 226, there are three specific mentions of Escher-Wyss including:

  • File number 47178 which reads: Escher-Wyss of Switzerland is working on a large order for Germany. Flame-throwers are despatched from Switzerland under the name Brennstoffbehaelter. Dated Sept. 1944.
  • File number 41589 showed that the Swiss were allowing German exports to be stored in their country, a supposedly neutral nation during World War II. The entry reads: Business relations between Empresa Nacional Calvo Sotelo (ENCASO), Escher Wyss, and Mineral Celbau Gesellschaft. 1 p. July 1944; see also L 42627 Report on collaboration between the Spanish Empresa Nacional Calvo Sotelo and the German Rheinmetall Borsig, on German exports stored in Switzerland. 1 p. August 1944.
  • File number 72654 claimed that: Hungary's bauxite was formerly sent to Germany and Switzerland for refining. Then a government syndicate built an aluminium plant at Dunaalmas on the borders of Hungary. Electric power was provided; Hungary contributed coal mines, and equipment was ordered from the Swiss firm Escher-Wyss. Production began in 1941. 2 pp. May 1944.

Yet, Escher-Wyss were leaders in one blossoming field in particular, the creation of new turbine technology. The company had engineered a 14,500 HP turbine for the Norsk Hydro industrial facility's strategically important hydroelectric plant at Vemork, near Rjukan in Norway. The Norsk Hydro plant, part powered by Escher Wyss, was the only industrial plant under Nazi control capable of producing heavy water, an ingredient essential for making plutonium for the Nazi atomic bomb program. The Germans had put all possible resources behind the production of heavy water, but the Allied forces were aware of the potentially game-changing tech advances by the increasingly desperate Nazis.

During 1942 and 1943, the hydro plant was the target of partially successful British Commando and Norwegian Resistance raids, although heavy water production continued. The Allied forces would drop more than 400 bombs on the plant, which barely affected the operations at the sprawling facility. In 1944, German ships attempted to transport heavy water back to Germany, but the Norwegian Resistance were able to sink the ship carrying the payload. With help from Escher-Wyss, the Nazis were almost able to change the tides of war and bring about an Axis victory.

Back in the Escher-Wyss factory in Ravensburg, Eugen Schwab had been busy putting forced labourers to work at his model Nazi company. During the years of World War II, nearly 3,600 forced labourers worked in Ravensburg, including at Escher Wyss. According to the city archivist in Ravensburg, Andrea Schmuder, the Escher-Wyss machine factory in Ravensburg employed between 198 and 203 civil workers and POWs during the war. Karl Schweizer, a local Lindau historian, states that Escher-Wyss maintained a small special camp for forced labourers on the factory premises.

The use of masses of forced labourers in Ravensburg made it necessary to setup one of the largest recorded Nazi forced labour camps in the workshop of a former carpenter's at Ziegelstrasse 16. At one time, the camp in question accommodated 125 French prisoners of war who were later redistributed to other camps in 1942. The French workers were replaced by 150 Russian prisoners of war who, it was rumoured, were treated the worst out of all the POWs. One such prisoner was Zina Jakuschewa, whose work card and work book are held by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Those documents identify her as a non-Jewish forced labourer assigned to Ravensburg, Germany, during 1943 and 1944.

Eugen Schwab would dutifully maintain the status quo during the war years. After all, with young Klaus Martin Schwab having been born in 1938 and his brother Urs Reiner Schwab born a few years later, Eugen would have wanted to keep his children out of harm's way.

Klaus Martin Schwab – International Man of Mystery

Born on 30 March 1938 in Ravensburg, Germany, Klaus Schwab was the eldest child in a normal nuclear family. Between 1945 and 1947, Klaus attended primary school in Au, Germany. Klaus Schwab recalls in a 2006 interview with the Irish Times that:"After the war, I chaired the Franco-German regional youth association. My heroes were Adenauer, De Gasperi and De Gaulle."

Klaus Schwab and his younger brother, Urs Reiner Schwab, were both to follow in the footsteps of their grandfather, Gottfried, and their father, Eugen, and would both initially train as machine engineers. Klaus's father had told the young Schwab that, if he wanted to make an impact on the world, then he should train as a Machine Engineer. This would only be the beginning of Schwab's University credentials.

Klaus would begin studying his plethora of degrees at Spohn-Gymnasium Ravensburg between 1949 and 1957, eventually graduating from the Humanistisches Gymnasium in Ravensburg. Between 1958 and 1962, Klaus began working with various engineering companies and, in 1962, Klaus completed his mechanical engineering studies at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) in Zurich with an engineering diploma. The following year, he also completed an economics course at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland. From 1963 until 1966, Klaus worked as Assistant to the Director-General of the German Machine-building Association (VDMA), Frankfurt.

In 1965, Klaus was also working on his doctorate from the ETH Zurich, writing his dissertation on: "The longer-term export credit as a business problem in mechanical engineering". Then, in 1966, he received his Doctorate in Engineering from the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH), Zurich. At this time, Klaus's father, Eugen Schwab, was swimming in bigger circles than he had previously swam. After being a well known personality in Ravensburg as the Managing Director of the Escher-Wyss factory from before the war, Eugen would eventually be elected as President of the Ravensburg Chamber of Commerce. In 1966, during the founding of the German committee for Splügen railway tunnel, Eugen Schwab defined the founding of the German committee as a project "that creates a better and faster connection for large circles in our increasingly converging Europe and thus offers new opportunities for cultural, economic and social development".

In 1967, Klaus Schwab gained a Doctorate in Economics from the University of Fribourg, Switzerland as well as a Master of Public Administration qualification from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard in the United States. While at Harvard, Schwab was taught by Henry Kissinger, who he would later say were among the top 3-4 figures who had most influenced his thinking over the course of his entire life.

Henry Kissinger and his former pupil, Klaus Schwab, welcome former- UK PM Ted Heath at the 1980 WEF annual meeting. Source: World Economic Forum

In the previously mentioned Irish Times article of 2006, Klaus talks about that period as being very important to the formation of his present idealogical thinking, stating: "Years later, when I came back from the US after my studies at Harvard, there were two events that had a decisive triggering event on me. The first was a book by Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge – which said Europe would lose out against the US because of Europe's inferior management methods. The other event was – and this is relevant to Ireland – the Europe of the six became the Europe of the nine." These two events would help shape Klaus Schwab into a man who wanted to change the way people went about their business.

That same year, Klaus's younger brother Urs Reiner Schwab graduated from ETH Zurich as a mechanical engineer, and Klaus Schwab went to work for his father's old company, Escher-Wyss, soon to become Sulzer Escher-Wyss AG, Zurich, as Assistant to the Chairman to aid in the reorganisation of the merging companies. This leads us towards Klaus's nuclear connections.

The rise of a technocrat

Sulzer, a Swiss company whose origins date back to 1834, had first risen to prominence after starting to build compressors in 1906. By 1914, the family-run firm had become part of "three joint-stock companies," one of which was the official holding company. In the 1930s, Sulzer's profits would suffer during the Great Depression and, like many businesses at the time, faced disruption and industrial actions from their workers.

World War II may not have affected Switzerland as much as her neighbours, but the economic boom that was to follow led to Sulzer growing in power and market dominance. In 1966, just before the arrival of Klaus Schwab at Escher-Wyss, the Swiss turbine manufacturers signed a cooperation agreement with the Sulzer brothers in Winterthur. Sulzer and Escher-Wyss would begin to merge in 1966, when Sulzer purchased 53% of the company shares. Escher-Wyss would officially become Sulzer Escher-Wyss AG in 1969 when the last of the shares were acquired by the Sulzer brothers.

Once the merger had started, Escher-Wyss would begin to be restructured and two of the existing Board Members would be the first to find their service to Escher-Wyss coming to an end. Dr. H. Schindler and W. Stoffel would resign from the Board of Directors now headed by Georg Sulzer and Alfred Schaffner. Dr. Schindler had been a member of the Escher-Wyss Board of Directors for 28 years and had worked alongside Eugen Schwab throughout much of his service. Peter Schmidheiny would later take over as Chairman of the Board of Directors of Escher-Wyss, continuing the Schmidheiny family rule over the company's executives.

During the restructuring process, it was decided that Escher-Wyss and Sulzer would concentrate on separate areas of machine engineering with the Escher-Wyss factories primarily work on hydraulic power plant construction, including turbines, storage pumps, reversing machines, closing devices and pipelines, as well as steam turbines, turbo compressors, evaporation systems, centrifuges and machines for the paper and pulp industry. Sulzer would concentrate on the refrigeration industry as well as steam boiler construction and gas turbines.

On 1 January 1968, the freshly reorganised Sulzer Escher-Wyss AG was rolled out publicly and the company had become streamlined, a move deemed necessary because of several large acquisitions. This included a close collaboration with Brown Boveri, a group of Swiss electric engineering companies who had also worked for the Nazis, supplying the Germans with some of their U-boat technology used during World War II. Brown Boveri was also described as "defence-related electrical contractors" and would find the conditions of the Cold War arms race to be beneficial to their business.

The merger and reorganisation of these Swiss mechanical engineering giants saw their collaboration pay off in unique ways. During the 1968 Winter Olympics in Grenoble, Sulzer and Escher-Wyss used 8 refrigeration compressors to create tonnes of artificial ice. In 1969, the two firms combined to help in the building of a new passenger ship named "Hamburg", the first ship in the world to be fully air-conditioned thanks to the Sulzer Escher-Wyss combination.

In 1967, Klaus Schwab officially burst onto the scene of the Swiss business community and took a lead in the merger between Sulzer and Escher-Wyss, as well as forming profitable alliances with Brown Boveri and others. In December 1967, Klaus would speak at a Zurich event to the top Swiss machine engineering organisations; the Employers Association of Swiss Machine and Metal Manufacturers and the Association of Swiss Machine Manufacturers.

In his talk, he would correctly predict the importance of incorporating computers into modern Swiss machine engineering, stating that:

"In 1971, products that are not even on the market today are likely to account for up to a quarter of sales. This requires companies to systematically research possible developments and identify gaps in the market. Today, 18 of the 20 largest companies in our machine industry have planning departments that are entrusted with such tasks. Of course, everyone has to make use of the latest technological advances, and the computer is one of them. The many small and medium-sized companies in our machine industry take the path of cooperation or use the services of special data processing service providers."

Computers and data were obviously seen as important to the future, according to Schwab, and this was further projected in the reorganisation of Sulzer Escher-Wyss during their merger. Sulzer's modern website reflects this noteworthy change in direction, stating that, in 1968: "Material technology activities are intensified [by Sulzer] and form the basis for medical technology products. The fundamental change from a machine-building company to a technology corporation starts to become apparent."

Klaus Schwab was helping to turn Sulzer Escher-Wyss into something more than just a machine building giant, he was transforming them into a technology corporation driving at high speed into a hi-tech future. It should also be noted that Sulzer Escher-Wyss changed another focus of their business to help them "form the basis for medical technology products," an area not previously mentioned as a target industry for Sulzer and/or Escher-Wyss.

But technological advancement wasn't the only upgrade Klaus Schwab wanted to introduce at Sulzer Escher-Wyss, he also wanted to change how the company thought about their business managerial style. Schwab and his close associates were pushing an entirely new business philosophy which would allow "all employees to accept the imperatives of motivation and to ensure at home a sense of flexibility and manoeuvrability."

It is here in the late 1960s where we see Klaus begin to emerge as a more public figure. At this time, the Sulzer Escher-Wyss company also became more interested in engaging with the press than ever before. In January 1969, the Swiss giants setup a public advisory session entitled the "Press Day of the Machine Industry", which mainly concerned questions on company management. During the event, Schwab would state that companies using authoritarian styles of business management are "unable to fully activate the 'human capital'", an argument he would use on many separate occasions during the late 1960s.

Plutonium and Pretoria

Escher-Wyss were pioneers in some of the most important tech in power generation. As the US Department of Energy points out in their paper on Supercritical CO2 Brayton Cycle Development (CBC), a device used in hydro and nuclear power plants, "Escher-Wyss was the first company known to develop the turbomachinery for CBC systems starting in 1939." Going on to state that 24 systems were built, "with Escher-Wyss designing the power conversion cycles and building the turbomachinery for all but 3". By 1966, just before the entrance of Schwab into Escher-Wyss and the start of the Sulzer merger, the Escher-Wyss helium compressor was designed for the La Fleur Corporation and continued the evolution of the Brayton Cycle Development. This technology was still of importance to the arms industry by 1986, with nuclear powered drones being equipped with a helium-cooled Brayton cycle nuclear reactor.

Escher-Wyss had been involved with manufacturing and installing nuclear technology at least as early as 1962, as shown by this patent for a "heat exchange arrangement for a nuclear power plant" and this patent from 1966 for a "nuclear reactor gas-turbine plant with emergency cooling". After Schwab left Sulzer Escher-Wyss, Sulzer would also help to develop special turbocompressors for uranium enrichment to yield reactor fuels.

When Klaus Schwab joined Sulzer Escher-Wyss in 1967 and started the reorganisation of the company to be a technology corporation, the involvement of Sulzer Escher-Wyss in the darker aspects of the global nuclear arms race became immediately more pronounced. Before Klaus became involved, Escher-Wyss had often concentrated on helping design and build parts for civilian uses of nuclear technology, e.g. nuclear power generation. Yet, with the arrival of the eager Mr. Schwab also came the company's participation in the illegal proliferation of nuclear weapons technology. By 1969, the incorporation of Escher Wyss into Sulzer was fully completed and they would be rebranded into Sulzer AG, dropping the historic name Escher-Wyss from their name.

It was eventually revealed, thanks to a review and report carried out by the Swiss authorities and a man named Peter Hug, that Sulzer Escher-Wyss began secretly procuring and building key parts for nuclear weapons during the 1960s. The company, while Schwab was on the board, also began playing a critical key role in the development of South Africa's illegal nuclear weapons programme during the darkest years of the apartheid regime. Klaus Schwab was a leading figure in the founding of a company culture which helped Pretoria build six nuclear weapons and partially assemble a seventh.

In the report, Peter Hug outlined how Sulzer Escher Wyss AG (referred to post-merger as just Sulzer AG) had supplied vital components to the South African government and found evidence of Germany's role in supporting the racist regime, also revealing that the Swiss government "was aware of illegal deals but 'tolerated them in silence' while supporting some of them actively or criticised them only half-heartedly". Hug's report was eventually finalised in a work entitled: "Switzerland and South Africa 1948-1994 – Final Report of the NFP 42+ commissioned by the Swiss Federal Council" which was compiled and written by Georg Kreis and published in 2007.

By 1967, South Africa had constructed a reactor as part of a plan to produce plutonium, the SAFARI-2 located at Pelindaba. SAFARI-2 was part of a project to develop a reactor moderated by heavy water which would be fuelled by natural uranium and cooled using sodium. This link to developing heavy water for the creation of uranium, the same technology which had been utilised by the Nazis also with the help of Escher-Wyss, may explain why South Africans initially got Escher-Wyss involved. But by 1969, South Africa abandoned the heavy water reactor project at Pelindaba because it was draining resources from their uranium enrichment program that had first begun in 1967.

A South African nuke in storage

In 1970, Escher-Wyss were definitely deeply involved with nuclear technology, as seen in a record available in the Landesarchivs Baden-Württemberg. The record shows details of a public procurement process and contains information about award talks with specific companies involved in the procurement of nuclear technology and materials. The companies cited include: NUKEM; Uhde; Krantz; Preussag; Escher-Wyss; Siemens; Rheintal; Leybold; Lurgi; and the infamous Transnuklear.

The Swiss and South Africans had a close relationship through this period of history, when it was hardly easy for the brutal South African regime to find close allies. By 4 November 1977, the United Nations Security Council had enacted resolution 418 which imposed a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, an embargo that wouldn't be fully lifted until 1994.

Georg Kreis pointed out the following in his detailed assessment of the Hug report:

"The fact that the authorities assumed a laisse-faire attitude even after May 1978 comes to the fore in an exchange of letters between the Anti-Apartheid Movement and the DFMA in October/December 1978. As the study by Hug explicates, the Anti-Apartheid Movement of Switzerland pointed to German reports according to which Sulzer Escher-Wyss and a company called BBC had supplied parts for the South African uranium enrichment plant, and to repeated credits to ESCOM, which also included considerable contributions by Swiss banks. These assertions led to questions of whether the Federal Council – in light of fundamental support of the UN embargo, ought not to instigate the National Bank to stop authorising credits for ESCOM in the future."

Swiss banks would help to fund the South African race to nukes and, by 1986, Sulzer Escher-Wyss were successfully producing special compressors for uranium enrichment.

The Founding of the World Economic Forum

In 1970, the young upstart, Klaus Schwab wrote to the European Commission and asked for help in setting up a "non-commercial think tank for European business leaders". The European Commission would sponsor the event as well, sending French politician Raymond Barre to act as the forum's "intellectual mentor". Raymond Barre, who was at that time European Commissioner for Economic and Financial Affairs, would later go on to become French PM and would be accused of making anti-Semitic comments while in office.

So, in 1970, Schwab left Escher Wyss to organise a two-week business managerial conference. In 1971, the first meeting of the World Economic Forum – then called the European Management Symposium – convened in Davos, Switzerland. Around 450 participants from 31 countries would take part in Schwab's first European Management Symposium, mostly made up of managers from various European companies, politicians, and US academics. The project was recorded as organised by Klaus Schwab and his secretary Hilde Stoll who, later the same year, would become Klaus Schwab's wife.

Klaus's European symposium was not an original idea. As writer Ganga Jey Aratnam stated quite coherently in 2018:

"Klaus Schwab's "Spirit of Davos" was also the "Spirit of Harvard". Not only had the business school advocated the idea of a symposium. Prominent Harvard economist John Kenneth Galbraith championed the affluent society as well as capitalism's planning needs and the rapprochement of East and West."

It was also true that, as Aratnam also pointed out, this was not the first time Davos had hosted such events. Between 1928 and 1931, the Davos University Conferences took place at the Hotel Belvédère, events which were co-founded by Albert Einstein and were only halted by the Great Depression and the threat of looming war.

The Club of Rome and the WEF

The most influential group that spurred the creation of Klaus Schwab's symposium was the Club of Rome, an influential think tank of the scientific and monied elite that mirrors the World Economic Forum in many ways, including in its promotion of a global governance model led by a technocratic elite. The Club had been founded in 1968 by Italian industrialist Aurelio Peccei and Scottish chemist Alexander King during a private meeting at a residence owned by the Rockefeller family in Bellagio, Italy.

Among its first accomplishments was a 1972 book entitled "The Limits to Growth" that largely focused on global overpopulation, warning that "if the world's consumption patterns and population growth continued at the same high rates of the time, the earth would strike its limits within a century." At the third meeting of the World Economic Forum in 1973, Peccei delivered a speech summarizing the book, which the World Economic Forum website remembers as having been the distinguishing event of this historical meeting. That same year, the Club of Rome would publish a report detailing an "adaptive" model for global governance that would divide the world into ten, inter-connected economic/political regions.

The Club of Rome was long controversial for its obsession with reducing the global population and many of its earlier policies, which critics described as influenced by eugenics and neo-Malthusian. However, in the Club's infamous 1991 Book, The First Global Revolution, it was argued that such policies could gain popular support if the masses were able to link them with an existential fight against a common enemy.

To that effect, The First Global Revolution contains a passage entitled "The common enemy of humanity is Man", which states the following:

"In searching for a common enemy against whom we can unite, we came up with the idea that pollution, the threat of global warming, water shortages, famine and the like, would fit the bill. In their totality and their interactions these phenomena do constitute a common threat which must be confronted by everyone together. But in designating these dangers as the enemy, we fall into the trap, which we have already warned readers about, namely mistaking symptoms for causes. All these dangers are caused by human intervention in natural processes, and it is only through changed attitudes and behaviour that they can be overcome. The real enemy then is humanity itself."

In the years since, the elite that populate the Club of Rome and the World Economic Forum have frequently argued that population control methods are essential to protecting the environment. It is thus unsurprising that the World Economic Forum would similarly use the issues of climate and environment as a way to market otherwise unpopular policies, such as those of the Great Reset, as necessary.

The Past is Prologue

Since the founding of the World Economic Forum, Klaus Schwab has become one of the most powerful people in the world and his Great Reset has made it more important than ever to scrutinize the man sitting on the globalist throne.

Given his prominent role in the far-reaching effort to transform every aspect of the existing order, Klaus Schwab's history was difficult to research. When you start to dig into the history of a man like Schwab, who sits aloft other shadowy elite movers and shakers, you soon find lots of information has been hidden or removed. Klaus is somebody who wants to stay hidden in the shadowy corners of society and who will only allow the average person to see a well-presented construct of their chosen persona.

Is the real Klaus Schwab a kindly old uncle figure wishing to do good for humanity, or is he really the son of a Nazi collaborator who used slave labour and helped the Nazi efforts to obtain the first atomic bomb? Is Klaus the honest business manager who we should trust to create a fairer society and workplace for the common man, or is he the person who helped push Sulzer Escher-Wyss into a technological revolution that led to its role in the illegal creation of nuclear weapons for South Africa's racist apartheid regime? The evidence I have looked at does not suggest a kindly man, but rather a member of a wealthy, well-connected family that has a history of helping create weapons of mass destruction for aggressive, racist governments.

As Klaus Schwab said in 2006 "Knowledge will soon be available everywhere – I call it the 'googlisation' of globalisation. It's not what you know any more, it's how you use it. You have to be a pace setter." Klaus Schwab considers himself to be a pace setter and a top table player, and it must be said that his qualifications and experience are impressive. Yet, when it comes to practising what you preach, Klaus has been found out. One of the three biggest challenges on the priority list for the World Economic Forum is the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, yet neither Klaus Schwab nor his father Eugen lived up to those same principles when they were in business. Quite the opposite.

In January, Klaus Schwab announced that 2021 is the year that the World Economic Forum and its allies must "rebuild trust" with the masses. However, if Schwab continues to hide his history and that of his father's connections to the "National Socialist Model Company" that was Escher-Wyss during the 1930s and 1940s, then people will have good reason to distrust the underlying motivations of his overreaching, undemocratic Great Reset agenda.

In the case of the Schwabs, the evidence doesn't point at simply poor business practices or some sort of misunderstanding. The story of the Schwab family instead reveals a habit of working with genocidal dictators for the base motives of profit and power. The Nazis and the South African apartheid regime are two of the worst examples of leadership in modern politics, yet the Schwabs obviously couldn't or wouldn't see that at the time.

In the case of Klaus Schwab himself, it appears that he has helped to launder relics of the Nazi era, i.e. its nuclear ambitions and its population control ambitions, so as to ensure the continuity of a deeper agenda. While serving in a leadership capacity at Sulzer Escher Wyss, the company sought to aid the nuclear ambitions of the South African regime, then the most Nazi adjacent government in the world, preserving Escher Wyss' own Nazi era legacy. Then, through the World Economic Forum, Schwab has helped to rehabilitate eugenics-influenced population control policies during the post-World War II era, a time when the revelations of Nazi atrocities quickly brought the pseudo-science into great disrepute. Is there any reason to believe that Klaus Schwab, as he exists today, has changed in anyway? Or is he still the public face of a decades-long effort to ensure the survival of a very old agenda?

The last question that should be asked about the real motivations behind the actions of Herr Schwab, may be the most important for the future of humanity: Is Klaus Schwab trying to create the Fourth Industrial Revolution, or is he trying to create the Fourth Reich?

The post Schwab Family Values appeared first on unlimitedhangout.com.

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Whitney Webb & Johnny Vedmore on Slow News Day

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