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Paul Cudenec

Fascist smears: what they tell us


I have written extensively in recent years about the way in which accusations of "fascism" are used to smear radical opponents of a system that is, itself, a mutation of fascism.

The issue is addressed in Fascism Rebranded, in various contributions to The Acorn (see here, here and here) and in my political novels No Such Place as Asha (2019) and Enemies of the Modern World (2021).

One of the key figures in this ideological smear campaign, particularly in North America, has been Alexander Reid Ross (pictured).

As reported in Acorn 64, he is now working for a militaristic US "think tank" alongside many former "deep state" figures, including a former CIA chief.

Furthermore, the "think tank" in question is funded by Charles Koch, the 11th richest man in the world, renowned alongside his late brother for his opposition to the green movement.

As Rhyd Wildermuth asks in this excellent article: "Does it seem maybe a little weird that the man who helped create an atmosphere where far-left environmentalists are smeared as fascists is now working for an organization funded by one of the richest anti-environmentalists ever known?"

The only thing that surprises me about all this is that Reid Ross's allegiances have been so openly confirmed.

It has long been obvious that the ideological war being waged against our political position was coming from the entity which we directly oppose – a big business mafia which hides its essential criminality behind an elaborate facade of "authority", "law" and "democracy" and uses taxpayer-funded organizations like the CIA to defend its interests and power.

The trouble is, says Wildermuth, that the unmasking of Reid Ross does not seem to have fundamentally changed anything: "Though I imagine most people will now view anything Alexander Reid Ross writes about fascism with suspicion, the framework he created won't go away so easily".

I think it is important for those who seriously wish to bring down this death-cult industrial system to look closely what Reid Ross and others like him have been trying to do.

By a kind of reverse engineering, we can then identify the political ideas which are most feared by the system and which we might then conclude are the best weapons with which to attack it.

I.

As Wildermuth explains, the Reid Ross narrative accepts historical fascist propaganda at face value by assuming that its aesthetics of "anti-modernism and anti-capitalism" reflected its real position. The system regards modernism and capitalism as good things and thus anti-modernism and anti-capitalism as bad things. It therefore tries to discredit any opposition to modernism and capitalism (ie: opposition to its own domination) by declaring it "fascist" or on a slipperly slope towards fascism. Our response, as opponents of this modern capitalist system, should not be to run away from our core critique from fear of being branded "fascist" by paid agents of the system posing as holier-than-thou radical inquisitors. Instead we should explode the system's narrative by pointing out that historical fascism was thoroughly modernist and capitalist, despite its PR spin, and by communicating the real anti-capitalist and anti-modernist thinking which inspires us (see, for instance, the organic radicals project).

II.

The term "eco-fascism" has also been misused by Reid Ross for his own insidious purposes. Wildermuth writes that this label has come to mean not just "fascists who are environmentalists" but also "anyone who rejects the idea that industrial civilization is the best way for humans to live". He adds that Ross's work has made many anti-industrial writers afraid to publish any longer. We see clearly here that the system, while busily promoting the fake-green climate capitalist movement and land-grabbing "conservationism" as part of its Great Reset, is afraid of real environmentalism, the kind which actually wants to abolish industrial degradation and pollution rather than just upgrade to a "bright green" and smart version. This realisation should remind us that industrialism is very much part and parcel of this system. We might also ask why it is that the system feels the need to smear anti-industrialists as "eco-fascists" rather than as "eco-extremists" or "Luddites"? Could it be that it knows such labels don't really worry people? Does it know that the idea of abandoning industrial modernity and returning to a simple and healthy way of living will always appeal to large numbers of us? Is that why it has to attack the idea with the sledgehammer of a "fascist" accusation which is the one thing guaranteed to scare most people away? The system's dislike of anti-industrialism should amount to a positive recommendation for those who dislike the system. We should, of course, remind people that historical fascism was very much built on industrialism. And we can hurt this current fascistic system most by defying its smears and ideological taboos and pushing more and more firmly an anti-industrial message.

III.

Reid Ross depicts any talk of "organic community" as necessarily tending towards fascism because fascists used the term, while deliberately ignoring the profound differences between their hierarchical, top-down statist understanding of the notion and the grassroots, decentralized co-operative version promoted by real radicals. We gather from this that the idea of organic community is seen as a threat by the system, as its control is based on a society of fragmented individuals cut off from all community and wholly dependent on top-down authority. It therefore tries to wipe all talk of organic community off the political map by labelling it "fascist" – a dirty trick which seems to work every time in certain gullible left-wing and anarchist circles. If the system does not want radicals to talk about organic communities, then that is exactly what we should do! If it wasn't an idea capable of inciting rejection of the current status quo in favour of a radically different way of living, then the system would not need to employ professional propagandists to steer people away from it. The system always tries to pretend that no alternative way of living exists, that no future is possible other than the one it has lined up for us. Stating the obvious truth that this is not so, and proposing another vision of how we might live (such as in decentralized organic communities) is a powerful and necessary basis for meaningful resistance.

IV.

Wildermuth points out that the reach of the "fascist" smearing has been stretched further and further by Reid Ross in recent years "encompassing now not only those who hold 'extreme' views about the environment or modernity, but also those who question US foreign policy on Syria, Israeli state oppression of Palestinians, the death of Jeffrey Epstein, or even the narrative of Russian influence on leftist beliefs". I would add that it has also been used against those of us who challenge the system's Covid narrative – all across the world opponents of lockdowns, masks and vaccine passports have been branded "extreme right wing" in a very deliberate and obviously co-ordinated manner. What this tells us, of course, is that these positions are also seen as threats by the system and that the "fascist" smear has worked so wonderfully well so far that it has decided to wheel it out again and again in the face of every new heresy threatening its ideological control. But this magic smearing wand cannot work for ever. The more widely and inappropriately it is used, the more clearly it reveals itself for what it is. We can help that process along by ridiculising the smear, by openly laughing at it and by continuing to express whatever views and analysis seem correct and just to us, without once looking over our shoulders to see if Reid Ross and the fake-left Thought Police are about to pounce.

We might also use the many ideological warnings issued by Reid Ross and his kind in the opposite way to how they intended. Like the content warnings on social media, their red lights can often indicate to us a useful source of inspiration in our struggle to destroy the assumptions and illusions which they are trying to defend.

We can seize the momentum of their propaganda overreach and use it to inform and strengthen our opposition, while taking advantage of their identification of certain key ideas as particularly threatening in order to strengthen the impact of our resistance.

In this way we might rebuild a genuine, non-manipulated, radicalism capable of fighting back with courage and authenticity against the lies and deceptions of the system.

translate | Sat, 09 Oct 2021 08:54:33 +0000

The French resistance will prevail


It has been eight years now since I left England to come and live in France.

A lot has happened back in the UK since then (not least the whole Brexit pantomime), but the period has been a dramatic one here as well, as I will set out.

Moreover, with hindsight, what often felt at the time like a disorientating jumble of events now appears to me as one clearly-visible phenomenon, namely a vast wave of growing popular resistance to the dominant system which those in power have been trying to crush by all possible means.

Now, in 2021, this struggle is coming to what could well be its final stage, a make-or-break moment which will decide not just the future of France but also play a decisive role in determining which direction humankind as a whole will take in the decades to come.

One of the reasons why I quit my native country was the stifling totalitarianism that had been growing up for some years, whether in the form of surveillance cameras, politicised policing, state infiltration of dissident movements or a general sense of unquestioning sheep-like obedience to authority in all its forms.

I came to France inspired by its proud history of revolution and revolt, by its critical thinking, by its strong anarchist tradition and by the new wave of anti-industrial revolt exemplified by the ZAD of Notre-Dame des Landes.

It didn't take long for the political temperature to rise. In October 2014 young environmental protester Rémi Fraisse (pictured) was killed by police at Sivens while opposing the building of a dam designed purely to help agri-business and pushed through by local representatives of the ruling Socialist Party.

Rémi's death forced into the French public consciousness an awareness that there was serious resistance being mounted against the industrialist system.

Protests like that at Sivens reminded me of anti-roads protests in the UK in the 1990s, where traditional local opposition successfully merged with a more radical approach.

I wrote: "It is significant that it is the so-called Left that is in power, both locally and nationally. Because what is happening has very little to do with outdated notions of Right versus Left, in which all are agreed on the need for 'economic growth', for 'progress' and for 'jobs'.

"This is the war which is already being fought all over the world, but can only become clearer and more intense as time goes on. It's humanity against the machine, nature against profit, the life-force against the industrial death-sentence".

My understanding of what was happening in France was clarified by the work of the Invisible Committee, who, I noted in November 2014, argued that it was wrong to lament the demise of the anti-globalisation movement that seemed such an unstoppable force at Genoa, Seattle, or the City of London in the years leading up to 9/11, because it had simply morphed into something different.

Members of the Committee later kindly agreed to give a talk at the Cowley Club back in Brighton, where I was staying with a friend at the start of 2015.

Their depiction of an insurrectionary situation in France was backed up by events on the ground.

By February 2015 the political hysteria following January's Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks had already created a police-state atmosphere – the authorities had been grateful to use the opportunity to clamp down on all forms of opposition to the system.

That month saw two big protests staged in different parts of the country, with the call-out declaring: "Against the concreting of our countryside and the militarisation of our towns, let's occupy the streets!"

Reviewing a book on the Sivens struggle, in May 2015, I again judged that it was part of a rejection of the industrial system itself which went beyond the usual left-right divide.

It amounted, I said, to a conflict of civilizations. "On the one hand there is the neoliberal system, enshrined in the local and national political elite, which is always happy to sacrifice the land for the benefit of growth, development, profit. On the other hand there is another way of thinking, a peasant way of thinking, a much older way of thinking which is paradoxically now often represented by the youngest generation".

This was a struggle which the rebel forces appeared to be winning. In August 2015 the French state finally failed in its desperate attempts to prosecute the Invisible Committee "Tarnac" defendants for so-called "terrorism", after seven years of trying.

Meanwhile, many of us were relishing the prospect of the massive protests being planned for the COP21 Summit in Paris, for which radicals were due to converge from all across Europe and beyond.

But that all changed, thanks to the terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015. Another convenient excuse to outlaw dissent had dropped into the lap of the French state, as The Acorn reported:

"Originally, the big protests planned for November 29 and December 12 were apparently outlawed because the crowds were 'at risk' of terrorist attack, but it quickly became clear that the state of emergency was aimed as much as opponents of the industrial-capitalist system as at armed Islamists.

"Several days before the start of COP21, several house arrests and police raids were aimed at activists close to the ZAD (anti-industrial protest camp) and environmental movement across the whole of France.

"Six people were put under house arrest in Rennes, along with a Paris member of the legal team for the CoalitionClimate21, which consists of 130 groups, NGOs and unions. Police also tried to impose this measure on several people in Rouen, Lyon and elsewhere.

"Meanwhile, all across France any event with the slightest hint of a political nature has been banned by the authorities without the need for any justification – in the southern city of Nîmes, for instance, a bookfair planned for November 21 and 22 was cancelled, while down the road in Alès a march against plans for a golf course and luxury housing development was likewise forbidden.

"Make no mistake – a very deliberate psychological attack is being made on the population of France by the imposition of the state of emergency and all the fear-mongering jingoistic hysteria accompanying it".

In December 2015 I warned that the corrupt and ruthless mafia that controls our society wouldn't relinquish its power quietly in the face of growing opposition and would eventually be forced to "drop all pretence at democracy".

If the authorities thought that the fear of terrorism would dampen the French fighting spirit for long, they were mistaken.

That following spring, of 2016, saw a new grassroots movement emerge on the streets to oppose the Loi Travail, neoliberal changes to the world of work championed by the "Socialist" minister Myriam El Khomri.

Young French people, some very young, were at the forefront of this rebellion, giving renewed hope of ongoing struggle against exploitation and tyranny.

I explained in March 2016: "A revitalised resistance against the capitalist system is hitting the streets of France, with a new generation of young people leading the way.

"The spark for the revolt is the planned El Khomri law – 'reforms' like those being wheeled out by capitalist politicians everywhere, which aim to reduce workers' rights and deliver corporations a more 'flexible' and low-cost workforce from which to profit.

"When gutless trade unions failed to react strongly to the proposals, people power took over and quickly organised an autonomous wave of struggle which the unions have now been forced to join.

"Behind the protests and strikes, which have particularly featured sixth-formers and students facing a lifetime of slavery to industrial capitalism, lies a deeper anger with the system.

"The fascistic 'state of emergency' brought in by the 'Socialist' government on the back of November's terror attacks in Paris is one of the elements that has been cited.

"And the use of these sweeping police powers to try and crush resistance to the new labour laws has only fuelled the outrage and the determination not to give in".

By the end of April, there was a real sense of revolution in the air, with 'Nuit Debout' public assemblies flourishing every night across France and, at the same time, opposition to the Loi Travail spiralling into outright resistance to the system, with a general strike being called.

And the response of the French state to this uprising? Violent repression, with thuggish riot cops unleashing unprecedented violence on the mainly youthful rebels.

But this only further radicalised the youngest generation and they responded with admirable physical and mental defiance.

On May 10 2016, François Hollande's regime outraged the public still further by pushing the hated Loi Travail through the National Assembly without even a vote, using the controversial article 49.3.

And as levels of revolt grew stronger, the French state crossed a significant line in repression by using "state of emergency" legislation, supposedly introduced to combat terrorist attacks, to ban individuals from protesting.

"Letters were received by activists on Saturday May 14 banning them from taking part in any protests against the Loi Travail on Tuesday May 17″.

Unsurprisingly, the Parti Socialiste was defeated in the presidential elections of the following year, but Hollande's replacement, centrist poster-boy Emmanuel Macron, had been groomed across the Atlantic by the German Marshall Fund of the United States to push to a new level the assault on French society by profiteering international financial parasites.

After a year and a half of Macron's contemptful agenda, many people had had enough. With the political parties and trade unions unwilling to make a stand, the rebellion was forced to find a completely new way of expressing itself.

On November 17 2018, thousands upon thousands of ordinary French people, across the country and often in rural areas, donned the fluorescent yellow jackets that legally have to be carried in motor vehicles, and occupied roundabouts, blocking traffic and causing general havoc.

If the initial spark was the rise in the price of diesel fuel, it quickly became clear that something much deeper was at stake here. This was a rebellion of the real people, fed up to the teeth of being despised, patronised and exploited by the tiny self-satisfied clique of politicians, civil servants, financiers and media moguls in Paris.

I wrote on December 9 2018: "The Gilets Jaunes or Yellow Vest movement has staged four successive Saturdays of startling and energetic mass mobilisations across France against the neoliberal Macron regime, turning a protest against the cost of living into an attempted insurrection".

At this point I started travelling to Gilets Jaunes protests and actions in the region where I live and, in the face of inaccurate or non-existent reports in the UK mainstream media, filed reports and analysis for publications including Red Pepper, The Canary and the Morning Star (twice), as well as for my own blog and the Winter Oak site (see here, here, here, here and here), where there is also a devoted page linking to various articles and translations on the movement.

As I remarked on April 19, 2019: "By talking to protesters, seeing what goes on, reading their leaflets and newsletters, I think have been able to gain a good understanding of the uprising, even though I have been geographically constrained to a relatively small area in the south".

The response to the Gilets Jaunes uprising by the Macron regime was very much in line with the direction the French state had been taking for some years.

I commented on August 20, 2019: "Anyone who has been following the Gilets Jaunes' struggle since November 2018 will appreciate to what extent France is slipping into 21st century neoliberal-style fascism.

"From the sheer physical violence of the state's attacks on protesters, through its draconian use of bans on protests and 'pre-emptive' arrests, to the cover-up and denial of what is happening by politicians and their tame media, the situation is truly alarming".

A year after the Gilets Jaunes first emerged, they were still fighting on, despite all the repression, and in December 2019 their struggle converged to powerful effect with opposition to yet more neoliberal "reforms", this time to the pension system, imposing longer working lives and more privatisation.

A series of general strikes managed to paralyse the country on several occasions, as this report in The Acorn explains.

By January 21, 2020, it was clear that the gulf between the French public and the Macronist state was so vast that it had torn giant holes in the credibility of the whole system.

I wrote: "If our Western capitalist 'democracies' were what they claim to be, Emmanuel Macron would no longer be president of the French republic.

"After 14 months of non-stop protests against his regime and its hardcore neoliberal agenda, it is quite clear that he has no social licence to carry on.

"A huge movement of strikes and protests against the regime's 'work-until-you-drop' pension 'reforms' has swept across French society.

"Across the country Gilets Jaunes and strikers have been disrupting Macronist (LREM) meetings, often drowning them out with renditions of On est là ('For the honour of the workers and for a better world, we are here!')".

I took part in one of these disruptions and felt, for the first time in my life, that the ruling class really was powerless in the face of popular opposition.

Presumably that same ruling class was feeling likewise, as it rolled out every weapon at its disposal against the rebels, including, of course, massive and frightening levels of police brutality against protesters.

I commented that, under the pressure of this growing mood of revolt, "neoliberalism is coming out of the closet and revealing itself to be a 21st century form of fascism".

It is, for me, very telling that in his 2020 book, Covid-19: The Great Reset, WEF boss Klaus Schwab specifically cites the Gilets Jaunes in France as examples of the unwelcome "social unrest" sweeping the world and that he warns of the "sombre scenario" that "the same could happen again"…

It would be wrong to say that there was initially no resistance to the totalitarianism of the Covid Coup in France.

But the harshness of the clamp-down and complicity of much of the left, even the "radical" left, certainly delayed the response and I was watching from afar and with envy the massive demonstrations in London, wondering what had happened to the French love of liberté.

In February this year there was a wave of protest against the Macronist regime's fascistic Global Security legislation, a cause which mobilised part of the traditional left as well as Covid dissidents.

The brutal way in which protests were attacked by riot cops caused widespread outrage and fuelled new concerns over the direction in which the country was being taken.

Later in the spring, French dissidents injected a welcome dose of musical rebellion into the international mix, with widespread flashmob performances of the song Danser Encore by HK et Les Saltimbanks, a defiant new anthem of freedom and joie de vivre.

But large-scale protest did not really take off until July, when Macron announced the introduction of the "pass sanitaire", a "vaccine" passport which would require people to present a QR code (showing jab, negative test or immunity) in order to drink a coffee outside a café, eat at a restaurant, go to the cinema, use a public library, take a long-distance train, go to hospital for non-emergency reasons…

Suddenly, the true nature of the "Covid response" being foisted on them seemed to simultaneously strike millions of people in France.

Emergency demonstrations on the July 14 bank holiday were quickly followed by massive protests across France, even in the most unlikely of small towns, which have continued every weekend throughout the summer, traditionally a time when all protesting grinds to a halt here.

As it happens, I have been moving around the country during this period, so after taking part in the local protests in Montpellier, I was able to join demonstrators in Aubenas, Annecy, Sallanches, Limoges, Dinan, St Malo, and then Alès on August 28 (see photo gallery below).

Everywhere I have been impressed by the sheer ordinariness of the people taking to the streets in defence of freedom. There is no particular "look" or age group and a high proportion of women. Vaccinated people have been demonstrating alongside the unvaccinated, out of principle.

Inevitably there has been concern voiced from the left about nationalist/right-wing groups involved in the protests, but there seems to be a growing consensus that the answer, as with the beginning of the Gilets Jaunes movement, is to take part in the protests and shout louder than them.

The need for temporary unity in the face of unprecedented danger must surely prevail, as it did for the resistance during the Second World War. The time for broader political discussion will come later.

There is another aspect to all this, namely the depressing levels of compliance with the new Covid order. When I see all the submissive masked citizens in the streets and the "pass sanitaire obligatoire" notices outside the cafés, I wonder if my faith in the French people is misplaced.

While people like me tend to romanticise the wartime resistance to Nazi occupation, and the puppet Pétain regime in the south, the sad truth is that a large part of the French population collaborated with fascism.

Rebels here that I have spoken to are very aware of this and fear that this is the element in their society which will prove dominant.

They could be right, of course, and I would repeat my warnings that France, Britain, Europe and the world risk sliding into a nightmare new era of techno-tyranny if the ruling powers succeed in pulling off their Great Reset.

But when I see the faces, hear the defiant chants and joyful songs, feel the energy of vital resistance on the protests against the pass sanitaire, when I remember the tradition of revolt of which this is part, I am filled with hope.

For decades now, technocrats and plutocrats have been trying to crush the French love of freedom and equality that stands in the way of their life-destroying global machine and, despite all their money and power, they have not yet succeeded.

As I write this, on this last weekend of August 2021, numbers of demonstrators were on the rise again across France. We are approaching la rentrée, the end of the summer holiday period which traditionally acts as the starting flag for a new season of social struggle in France.

Firefighters, health workers and librarians are starting to take action and go on strike. Corporate media dismissal of the rebel movement is looking increasingly absurd. All sorts of people, who have remained on the sidelines until now, are stepping forward to oppose what is so obviously a serious and unprecedented assault on basic rights and freedoms.

Tumultuous days lie ahead, that is for sure. I have a hunch that the French resistance will prevail – and, with it, humanity.

PHOTO GALLERY: SNAPSHOTS OF A SUMMER OF RESISTANCE

Wednesday July 14. Montpellier (Hérault)

Saturday July 17. Montpellier (Hérault)

Saturday July 24. Aubenas (Ardèche)

Saturday July 31, Annecy (Haute-Savoie)

Saturday August 7, Sallanches (Haute-Savoie)

Saturday August 14, Limoges (Haute-Vienne)

Saturday August 21, Dinan (Ille-et-Vilaine)

Sunday August 22, St Malo (Ille-et-Vilaine)

Saturday August 28, Alès (Gard)

translate | Sun, 29 Aug 2021 12:42:42 +0000

Fascism Rebranded: Exposing the Great Reset


I didn't see the Covid moment coming, of course. Who could have imagined, even at the start of 2020, that we were heading into a Brave New World of lockdowns and curfews, of travel bans, vaccine passports and police-state restrictions on every aspect of our lives?

But for many years I had understood that our society risked heading in a totalitarian direction and that, far from being the opposite of contemporary "liberalism", as we are always told, fascism was in fact a mode into which this hypocritical system could switch at any given time, when it felt the need.

This is why, when I decided to create a pdf collection of my recent online essays (here), I chose to begin with Organic radicalism: bringing down the fascist machine, published on the Winter Oak website three years ago today, on July 10, 2018.

Here we see how the dominant complex paints a false picture of historical fascism not just to smear its own current opponents, but also to hide its own close relationship with that very same monstrosity.

The same theme features in Liberalism: the two-faced tyranny of wealth, which appeared on the Organic Radicals website on the cusp of the Covid crisis (March 11, 2020) and in which I conclude: "Liberalism has for many centuries been a convenient disguise for the rule of money, the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of a small but very dominant elite".

In the meantime, I had mused on the false idea of quantity as overall increase (Multiplication is division, June 5, 2019), inveighed against the life-denying contemporary mindset (Smash vitaphobia! December 28, 2019) and reminded readers that, however grim the society which we find ourselves enduring, Another world exists within us (January 13, 2020).

By March 29, 2020, my direct response to the Covid clampdown was under way, with a short piece in Winter Oak's Acorn bulletin entitled We don't want your fascist future!

Reclaiming the revolutionary wisdom of the past (April 22, 2020) is a contribution to the Organic Radicals site which takes as its starting point a study of the Situationist thinker Guy Debord.

I argue that a critique of current society which does not challenge the whole reality of that society – a technocratic industrial capitalist reality – will always be built on sand.

If we are ever to successfully resist and bring down this ecocidal system, we will need to be inspired by thinking which has its roots outside that system, which existed before that system took hold of our lives and our minds.

"We look to the past to see what we have lost – what has been stolen from us by the modern capitalist world".

Resist the Fourth Industrial Repression!, published on April 25, 2020, is a defiant refusal of everything which the ruling clique has been trying to impose upon us under the feeble excuse of "fighting the virus".

I warn: "The 4IR is a death cult which dreams of wiping out everything that is natural, everything that is wild, everything that is free".

In Anarchists against freedom! (April 26, 2020) I hit back at certain so-called "anarchists" who had gone so far in cowing to the official Covid line that they were claiming that a love of freedom was in some way "right-wing".

The rebels will return (April 29, 2020) provides a larger context to this tragic ideological collapse and reconfirms my commitment to anarchist ideals, regardless of the state of the anarchist movement at any given time.

In Money, lies and power (May 21, 2020), I raise the possibility that the ruling class now envisages going beyond the accumulation of money as the means to its domination and is instead planning a world in which it simply has total physical control over the rest of us, who will be nothing but slaves.

"They have obviously calculated that they can get away with this, that their wealth, power and lies are now so all-conquering, and the majority of humankind so supine, gutless and malleable, that they will simply be able to trample all over us, for ever. It is up to us to prove them wrong".

Fascism, newnormalism and the left (July 26, 2020) was inspired by a book on Italian fascism which I came across in an extremely random way and which clarified my thinking in a number of ways.

In particular, it helped me see how the dehumanising New Normal of the Great Reset is very much a continuation of the original fascist project under Benito Mussolini, in which 20th century industrial plutocracy sought to accelerate its production by reshaping living beings into regimented and obedient units of human capital.

The Great Battle for the Future (August 18, 2020) appeared first on the Organic Radicals site and explores Silvia Federici's analysis of the Middles Ages, when ordinary people had escaped the outright slavery of the Roman Empire and were rebelling against authority to reclaim a better future – one based on social justice, freedom and local autonomy.

This massive uprising was crushed by the emergence of capitalism and then industrialism. As Federici explains, capitalism was the "counter-revolution" that destroyed the possibilities that had emerged from the anti-feudal struggle.

I point out the striking parallels between this historical moment and the counter-revolutions represented by fascism, in the 20th century, and the Great Reset, in the 21st.

Klaus Schwab and His Great Fascist Reset, published on October 5, 2020, is by a long way the most-read article I have ever penned, despite its length. It has since been reposted on many websites and translated into various languages.

Here I take a close look at the agenda being led by the World Economic Forum, via three books by its boss, Schwab. I explain: "He and his accomplices are using the Covid-19 crisis to bypass democratic accountability, to override opposition, to accelerate their agenda and to impose it on the rest of humankind against our will in what he terms a 'Great Reset'."

Dismantling tyranny (December 14, 2020) looks at the long-term issues which underlie the Great Reset and insists that these have to be resolved if we are ever to make a clean break with the current system.

"If we were able to pull back from the brink of this global totalitarian coup, there would be no point in returning to the pre-Covid status quo, as all the conditions would remain in place for the global ruling elite to try the same thing again, a few years down the road, using a different trick".

Impact capitalism is a phenomenon which forms a central part of the New Normal agenda, and which is little understood. Researcher Alison McDowell has been producing some crucial information and analysis on this issue and in Impactor Alert! (March 16, 2021) I try to convey the essence of what she has been showing us.

Ten things we have learned during the Covid coup is an Acorn piece, published on May 5, 2021. It sums up, in a few words, much of what I have been writing about in recent years.

Finally, there is Fascism: three brief insights (June 10, 2021), which seems to me to nicely complete this particular loop in an ongoing spiral of reflection.

Download Fascism Rebranded: Exposing the Great Reset for free here.

translate | Sat, 10 Jul 2021 13:44:48 +0000

The Death Machine


The Death Machine is an enormous and ever-expanding apparatus which today covers vast swathes of the surface of the Earth.

Its task is to suck in everything that it finds – mineral, vegetable, animal and human – and reduce it all into a lifeless grey toxic sludge.

Rumour has it that it also produces tiny quantities of a rich, powerful golden fluid, a honey-heroin, which none of us here have ever seen, let alone tasted.

It is said that this is piped directly into the veins of the Death Machine's owners, soul-sour vampires who creep in cold caverns deep below the sunlit surface of our world.

The aim of the Death Machine is to destroy and pollute more and more forests, hills, valleys, plains, rivers, lakes and seas, to murder more and more birds, fish, animals and human beings.

Its aim is grow ever bigger and bigger, to boast even more rows of steel teeth and concrete claws, to belch out even greater clouds of suffocating poisonous smoke and waves of deadly radiation, to find ingenious new ways of torturing Mother Earth.

This relentless, hateful and frenzied assault on all that is living is what the Death Machine likes to call Progress.

Periodically, the Death Machine starts to stall. The incoming flow of fresh biomass is not fast enough to maintain its murderous momentum. The sustainability of its system, its goals for self-development, are at risk.

It needs a "crisis" to kick-start it back into full-throttle destruction and, lo-and-behold, something is conjured up. Emergency measures are called for and so the Death Machine is reset and cranked up to a deafening 11.

War. Terror. Panic. Fear. Piles of bodies. Wailing misery. Lost love and shattered lives. The great dark cogs of History are turning and the Death Machine is doing just fine.

Sometimes the Death Machine paints itself in the colours of a national flag, or in revolutionary red. Today it might prefer to appear in bright green or in the rainbow colours of global inclusivity.

Make no mistake, each and every one of us will be included and impacted in the jaws of its all-consuming greed.

Good citizens make sure they only ever see whatever Hollywood stage scenery the Death Machine is currently hiding behind. They know that a commitment to 'democracy' means remaining wilfully blind to the reality behind the comforting facades.

The only problem they are prepared to recognise is one concerning overheating.

They do not accept that this problem was caused and reported by the Death Machine itself, whose very existence they deny, and they enthusiastically adopt all the "solutions" it proposes.

But its #MachinePositive New Normal Deal for Cute Furry Animals and Eternal Environmental Bliss turns out to involve further extensions to its own toxic structures, designed to make it nastier than ever.

Build back the Death Machine! Bigger and better!

Good citizens not only refuse to acknowledge the existence of the Death Machine, but become very angry with anyone who insists that it is real and dangerous.

"These extremists are delusional deniers of the marvels of modernity!", they splutter into the breath-stifling masks the Death Machine has made them wear. "They want to spoil it for everyone, by denying us our little conveniences and shattering our cherished illusion that all is basically well in the world".

The others, the clear-sighted rebels, understand the role of the Death Machine and know that there is no way that it can ever be made nicer or fairer, no way that it can ever be made to perform any other task than the one it was designed to carry out.

They see that what they are up against is a machine and that there is no point in trying to debate with a machine or in appealing to its conscience.

They know, with heavy hearts, that if it is allowed to carry on, it will end up killing everything and everyone.

And so they have concluded that, for the sake of life itself, the Death Machine must first be exposed for what it is and then destroyed.

translate | Mon, 05 Jul 2021 12:55:08 +0000

Unleashing the spirit of life


In my last article, I wrote about a dark "something" below the surface of the visible political world which controls our lives and corrupts our thinking.

However, there is another "something" which acts in the opposite direction and which is deeply feared by that malevolent energy.

It is the life-affirming energy which, again and again, is blocked by the toxic control complex – its momentum shunted, as we saw, into the dead ends of nationalism, statism or corporate deception.

It embraces our innate desire for self-determination, our unquenchable thirst for freedom and our eternal longing for an escape from this industrial nightmare so that we might rediscover our health and wisdom in the bosom of Mother Nature.

When these vital forces, so long suppressed, surge up together in our hearts and our minds, they can stir a powerful wave of revolt against oppression.

But for this revolt to succeed, a further element needs to be set free from the labyrinth of lies in which it, too, has long been imprisoned.

This element is our sense of the sacred, our connection with the Whole, our spirit.

Dominant culture has worked hard to stifle this dimension, not just by denying its existence through its one-dimensional modern materialist mindset, but by caging it within the rigid and lifeless structures and dogmas of power-serving religion and by diverting it into unwholesome cults or shallow pseudo-spiritualities which preach passivity and pose no threat to its rule.

As on the political level, these grotesque caricatures of authentic spirituality are used to discredit the real thing, to keep us chained in the cellars of servitude and unable to drink the knowledge that would set us free to soar.

The greatest heresy of all, the gnosis that must be kept hidden from us at all costs, is that each of us is a manifestation of the living cosmos.

The sacred is not "up there" and we do not need self-appointed intermediaries to make contact with it. It is within every living being.

If we clean the accumulated layers of our culture's corruption from our hearts, we can allow the light to shine through us, as it was always meant to.

Once we shed all our personal fears and insecurities, once we know that our own individual existence is just one temporary manifestation of the Whole, once we realise that the Whole can only act in the physical realm through its parts, then we begin to understand who we really are.

Our being is part of a process. We are the means through which the universe forms and shapes itself. Our subjective consciousness is the form the Whole has to take in order to descend into the world, to be present and active within it.

We can have no fear of death, because we are the Whole and the Whole never dies. Our individual life is simply an action of the Whole and our duty, in this life-role, is to accomplish that action to the best of our ability and with head held high.

Millions upon millions of people will always have the potential to overcome the few thousands who channel the poisonous energy of the negative "something".

Millions upon millions of us who have broken free from the maze of political deception to demand the return of our stolen land and our stolen freedom would be a mighty force indeed.

And millions upon millions of us, inspired and guided in that fight by the light of truth and unencumbered by the fear of death, would be simply unstoppable.

translate | Thu, 17 Jun 2021 11:28:16 +0000

A maze of political lies


A strange thought crept into my head a couple of days after finishing my last article, Fascism: Three Brief Insights.

There I had explained, yet again, that despite the name of their party, Hitler's "National Socialists" were not really socialists at all, but tools of big business.

The "socialist" part of the label was just a way of grabbing votes, at a time in history when capitalism was badly viewed by most.

It suddenly struck me that it was perhaps not just the second half of the label which was misleading. If the Nazis were funded by American financial interests, as Antony C Sutton demonstrates, then could they really be said to be "national" either?

We have been brought up to regard Nazism as the ultimate historical reminder of the potential dangers of nationalism, so it may seem absurd to suggest that the Nazis were not really nationalists at all.

But the idea makes more sense if we understand that nationalism is, in any case, built on deception.

The idea of a "nation" is itself a construct, used to help justify the existence or potential existence of a state. This "nation" offers "inclusivity", inviting people to identify with the state. The state is no longer regarded as "them", the ruling class who really own and control it, but as "us", the nation.

Nationalism as a political ideology is therefore, to some extent, the weaponisation of that manufactured "national" identification with the ruling class.

I say "to some extent" because there is another side to nationalism, a side which is easiest to see when we are talking about the independence-seeking kind of nationalism, rather than the dominating kind.

If we think about anti-imperialist Indian nationalists opposing the British Raj, or Basque nationalists fighting the Franco regime, or Algerian nationalists who struggled to free their country from French rule, we see different forces at play.

Here, nationalism is the expression of a need for freedom from external domination. It is the desire for self-determination.

This positive aspect can be found lurking somewhere in all forms of nationalism. The "Brexiteers" who oppose the influence of the EU, or the "US patriots" who decry the influence of global institutions, are likewise sourcing their fundamental political ethics from the idea of self-determination and a certain (albeit limited) decentralisation of power (from an international down to a national level).

In this guise, the national "we" is a call from below, a declaration of proud collective autonomy.

But because it has based itself on the manufactured concept of "nation", rather than on the authentic principle of freedom, this creed will always remain stuck with the idea of top-down authority from its chosen platform of "the nation".

When it comes to this particular level of control, nationalism abandons its calls for autonomy to rally behind the need to respect the rule of the nation-state.

Further decentralisation to regional and community level, which should in fact be the logical conclusion of its founding ethos of self-determination, is seen as a threat to the unity of the all-important "nation".

People have a natural desire for a sense of collective belonging, for being a "we", for wanting to protect their own community or tribe from outside danger, for wanting to decide among themselves how they should live, rather than being controlled and exploited by strangers.

But, thanks to the device of "the nation", that desire is hijacked and diverted into enthusiastic support for the state and the ruling clique that uses the state to protect and expand its own wealth and power.

A love of one's own culture, land and people is easily turned into a fear or hatred of others and thus the positive autonomy-seeking energy within the nationalist impulse is transformed into the toxic fuel for wars (which profit the ruling elite).

As a result, that original life-affirming energy is itself discredited, retrospectively, by the end result.

We fear that any talk of self-determination, or independence from international levels of authority, could be the slippery slope towards nationalist toxicity and war.

The "lesson" we learn from nationalism is therefore that it is dangerous to oppose centralised (international) power.

The underlying idea has been turned around to push our thinking in exactly the opposite direction to that of the initial driving force of decentralisation and self-determination.

The initial vital energy is betrayed twice. Firstly by diverting it into the dead-end of nationalism. Secondly by using that degraded version to discredit the original healthy impulse.

Here we can see how it can be possible for the Nazis to embrace superficial nationalism while effectively representing the inversion of its underlying principles, in that they were funded from abroad by the international ruling class. Nationalism was already a corrupted and deceptive ideology and the Nazis merely added an extra layer of lies.

The same thing is true of socialism and communism, in fact. The initial impulse of these movements was for freedom from the domination of the ruling elite. The collective identity in question here was one of class, rather than of nation, but there was still the idea of the "we", the togetherness and solidarity in the face of oppression from above.

But, again, this life-affirming energy was captured and channelled by merging it with the idea of authority. Just as "the nation" was used to justify the existence of the state, socialism embraced the need for a "people's state".

The socialist or communist movement, whose driving force was to overturn the repressive structures of control and exploitation, was transformed into a dogma which calls for and defends those same structures (when they are labelled to its taste).

Furthermore, this distortion of socialism has secondary effects similar to those applying to nationalism.

We fear that any talk of "the people" or "equality" could be the slippery slope towards statist tyranny, towards regimentated uniformity imposed from above, towards a totalitarian system hiding behind a "left-wing" political label.

The "lesson" we learn from socialism and communism is therefore that it is dangerous to identify and oppose the power of the wealthy ruling class in the name of the people, as this might lead to "Stalinist" dictatorship.

Socialism has been turned around to push our thinking in exactly the opposite direction to that of the initial driving force of popular liberation.

The initial vital energy is betrayed twice. Firstly by diverting it into the dead-end of statism. Secondly by using that degraded version to discredit the original healthy impulse.

As a third example of the same process, let's consider the political movement today known as "environmentalism".

The original feeling behind this was, obviously, a love of nature and a desire to defend it from assault by the industrial system. The "we" in this case was not the "nation" or the "people" but the Earth and all that lives on it.

But, once again, this life-affirming energy was captured and channelled by merging it with the idea of authority. Eco-rebellion was transformed into calls for the state to take on more power ("it's an emergency!") and to pour more public money into the pockets of the sustainably-wealthy elites and their phoney (industrialist) "solutions".

Needless to say, this distortion of environmentalism has secondary effects similar to those applying to nationalism and socialism.

People increasingly equate the term with central state-corporate control, with a self-righteous and hypocritical outlook which imposes the blame for industrial pollution on ordinary people and manipulates the environmental crisis to exploit and restrict them.

The "lesson" we learn from environmentalism is therefore that we are being lied to for ulterior motives and that anyone voicing "green" views is most likely a fake, an enemy of the common people and a representative of the power elite. From this perspective, freedom is tied to the right to carry on shopping, driving cars, taking low-cost flights and so on.

In this way, environmentalism has been turned around to push many people's thinking in exactly the opposite direction to that of the initial driving force of opposing industrialism.

The initial vital energy is betrayed twice. Firstly by diverting it into the dead-end of corporate greenwashing. Secondly by using that degraded version to discredit the original healthy impulse.

Although I have recently been focusing on the fascist character of contemporary society, particularly obvious since March 2020, there are clearly deeper elements at play here.

Fascism, like state socialism and pseudo-environmentalism, is just one manifestation of something else, something nasty which lurks beneath the surface of our usual political reality and terminology.

There is an underlying force which created and maintains the corrupt contemporary system.

This "something" could be described as power, or the thirst for power.

It is the sadistic urge to dominate, the grasping and selfish impulse to own, consume and grow fat at the expense of others, the cruel delight in laughing in the faces of its victims.

It is a poison in the human body which has spread so widely that it risks killing us all.

It oozes sheer malignancy, it revels in war and ugliness and destruction.

It is the contradiction of the life force, a cult of sterility, artifice and death.

This "something" steals our deepest-felt desires, as we have seen, and twists them into weapons for its own defence.

Its lies form a maze of misleading mirrors which we have to shatter if we are to reclaim everything that makes us free and happy and whole.

translate | Tue, 15 Jun 2021 06:15:29 +0000
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